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2L3BTTJBE 



COLONIZATION SOCIETY; 



AND ON 



ITS PROBABLE RESULTS; 

UNDER THE FOLLOWING HEADS: 

The Origin of the Society ; Increase of the Coloured Population ; Manumis- 
sion of Slaves in this country ; 

>ECLARATIONS OF LEGISLATURES, AND OTHER ASSEMBLED BODIES, IN FAVOUR 

OF THE SOCIETY; 

ITUATION OP THE COLONISTS AT MONROVIA, AND OTHER TOWNS; MORAL AND RE! J 
GIOUS CHARACTER OF THE SETTLERS; SOIL, CLIMATE, PRODUC- 
TIONS, AND COMMERCE OF LIBERIA ; 

DVANTAGES TO THE FREE COLOURED POPULATION, BY EMIGRATION TO LIBERIA; DISADVANTAGES OF SLAVERr TO 

THE WHITE POPULATION ; CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES OF AFRICA BEFORE THE HtRUPTIONS OF 

THE BARBARIANS; EFFECTS OF COLONIZATION ON THE SLAVE TRADE, WITH A 

SLIGHT SKETCH OF THAT NEFARIOUS AND ACCURSED TRAFFIC. 



ADDRESSED TO THE HON. C. F. MERCER, M. H. R. U. S. 



BY M. CAREY. 



NINTH EDITION. 



TO WHICH IS PREFIXED 

THE IMPORTANT INFORMATION 

COLLECTED 

BY JOSEPH JONES, A COLOURED MAN, 

LATELY SENT TO LIBERIA, BY THE KENTUCKY COLONIZATION SOCIETY, 
TO ASCERTAIN 

THE TRUE STATE OF THE COUNTRY— ITS PRODUCTIONS, TRADE, AND COMMERCE— 
AND THE SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OF THE COLONISTS. 



FOR SALE BY CAREY & HART, PHILADELPHIA. 

price five dollars per hundred. 
Sept. 17, 1834. 

STEREOTYPED BY L. JOHNSON. 




ZP1A.T of the 'l'(()\v>' 0F a|();vro>^TA, 



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REFERENCES 

Writ Stodaon, . 1 Baptist (lunch 

I ZTown l.m.tni.i itiui Tlei- .1 Jf.-tfi. .,/>.> Chapel 

3. Town unirttt Lmauta -school house f> Jf.ni.tzme . 

I 4 .If. n Art Sifn.nr-t.mJai.> M.w . W-PlMcW&dlOUSC 

I J Xew.l.jm.y house. II Tnhh. Garden ..nt.immaJ.iat 

6 Smitii shop 12 OmrahTown 13 Thompsons Jim 



THE LIBERIAN COLONY. 



FROM THE KENTUCKY COMMONWEALTH. 



The subjoined communication, concerning 
the proceedings of the Kentucky Coloniza- 
tion Society, will be read with particular 
interest at the present time. In our paper 
aefore the last, we gave a brief summary of 
the recent riots in the city of New York, 
svhich had their origin in the unwarrantable 
jonduct of a set of fanatics who have taken 
;o themselves the name of Abolitionists. In 
some senses of the term they have much 
;laim to the appellation ; for they are for 
iboliahing some of the fundamental laws of 
luman nature itself. Towards the accom- 
plishment of the ends which they have in 
new, there are obstacles, obvious to the eye 
)f reason, but which fanaticism cannot see. 
Prejudices of colour, prejudices of habit, dif- 
'erences of physical conformation, inequali- 
ies arising from unequal intellectual culti- 
vation, a dissimilarity of moral sense — the 
nevitable result of a state of freedom and a 
state of bondage — all these, in the frenzied 
)rains of agitators, are to vanish in the 
winkling of an eye, and, on the instant, 
;uch an assimilation is to take place as 
vould eclipse all recorded miracles. To 
•eason with such men is vain ; for, sheltered 
>y an imaginary superiority in every attri- 
>ute of intelligence, philanthropy, and vir- 
ue, they turn a deaf ear upon any sugges- 
;ions differing from their own schemes, and 
ittribute the difference to the calculations of 
lelfishness or innate inhumanity. If their 
)lan rested solely on its own merits, its ab- 
surdity would ensure its failure. That it 
nust fail, for all practical purposes, even the 
ibolitionists themselves must now be in 
some degree convinced. But if they fail 
hemselves, they are resolved to leave no 
sffort untried by which they can destroy the 
solony at Liberia. They have already de- 
lounced the Colonization Society, its past 
abours, and its future designs. The good 
vhich that Society has already done is de- 
cried as an evil, while its prospective opera- 
ions are denounced as criminal in motive 
md in end. 

Follo^lhg up this purpose, they have, 
rom time to time, published the most un- 
dushing falsehoods, as to the actual condi- 
ion of the colonists, and the character of 
he country in which they are situated. The 
tolonists are said by them to be abandoned 
n morals and habits, while they represent 
he soil as a barren waste or a sterile desert. 



They publish a journal, in which they usher 
forth these misrepresentations to the world 
with all the outward show of a high order 
of benevolence, but in reality with the 
most diabolical intentions. Pure philan- 
thropy rests on the immutable basis of truth, 
and scorns the aid of falsehood. In the 
eastern cities, where the abolitionists have 
made their greatest efforts, they have been 
met, by the friends of the Colonization Soci- 
ety, with facts and arguments which have 
disabused the public mind of the hallucina- 
tion into which it had been thrown by a 
temporary indulgence of unreal sympathy. 
The Society have had in their favour the con- 
current testimony of many of our most dis- 
tinguished naval commanders, and of other 
gentlemen of high character for intelligence 
and candour, all going to prove that the 
colonists enjoy a degree ot freedom and 
happiness, such as they never could have 
experienced in this country; that the cli- 
mate is congenial to the coloured man's con- 
stitution, and that the soil is fertile to an 
almost unexampled degree. 

As the opportunities for personal inter- 
course with individuals who have visited 
the colony are not frequent in the Western 
Country, the Board of Managers for Ken- 
tucky sent a special visiter to Liberia, with 
instructions to observe with minuteness 
every thing which it was material for an 
emigrant to know. The person selected 
was Joseph Jones, of Winchester, a coloured 
man, who proceeded upon his mission, and 
after a considerable absence has returned 
and made his report to the Board. We 
were present at this examination, and can 
say truly, that we have seldom been more 
gratified than we were at the narrative 
which Jones gave of his travels. He is a 
man of great observation, intelligence, and 
candour, and has amassed a large amount of 
useful information. The general inference 
from his statements, as to the present condi- 
tion of the colony, is, that it is flourishing; 
that the settlers possess within themselves 
the means of rendering their situation com- 
fortable in every respect ; and that the soil is 
eminently productive. He remarked that 
the principal drawback upon the advance- 
ment of the colony seemed to be in an inor- 
dinate desire for trade, which had operated 
injuriously to the agriculture of the eountry ; 
but that this evil was correcting itself. So 

I 



THi: LIBERIA^ COl.ONY. 



man] embarking in the same business had 

rendered it unprofitable, and therefore the 
colonists were beginning to improve their 
farms as the most certain mode of attaining 
a comfortable independence. 

He stated one fact which was of great 
importance to those wishing to emigrate 
who had any capital to employ. It wa9 the 
great abundance of labouring men, and the 
cheap rates at which labour could be procured. 
The natives of the country he describes as 
being perfectly willing to work, and labour- 
ing with great industry. They can be pro- 
cured for what here would be equivalent to 
five cents per day, but in Liberia is esti- 
mated at about twenty-five cents. Compe- 
tition among the natives for employment is 
active, and the) are faithful to their engage- 
ments. In poi it of personal appearance, 
he says, that, « hen similarly dressed, it is 
very difficult to l ^ll a native from an Ameri- 
can settler. The intercourse between the 
colonists and the tribes is of the most friend- 
ly character, and there have been intermar- 
riages between several of them and the recap- 
tun d Africans. Many of the natives speak 
the English language, and a strong desire 
is manifested for the farther extension of 
the settlements. As a proof of his own 
conviction of the many advantages which 
Liberia offers to the free coloured man over 
any thing which he can ever expect to en- 
joy within the limits of the United States, 
he has determined to return and connect his 
destinies with those of his countrymen, now 
in the land which Providence intended they 
should inhabit. 

One such man as Joseph Jones will do 
more actual good to his kind, than an army 
of abolitionists. He intends accompany- 
ing the agent to the different towns of Ken- 
tucky, for the purpose of giving a general 
diffusion of the knowledge he has acquired 
of an extremely interesting country ; and 
we would recommend every person who 
takes any interest in the colony of Liberia, 
who may have an opportunity of hearing his 
account of it, not to let the opportunity pass 
by unimproved. 



KENTUCKY STATE COLONIZA- 
TION SOCIETY. 
Present Condition of Liberia. 

The Board of Managers of the Kentucky 
Colonization Society take pleasure in in- 
forming their friends, that Joseph Jor.es, a 
man ol colour, who was sent out by them to 
examine fully the situation of the co! i 
Liberia, has returned and has brought back 
a favourable report. They herewith present 
to the public the examination which Mr. 
Jones lias undergone in their pres< ... 



facing it with two resolutions of the Board, 
and a letter from the Governor of Liberia. 
By order of the Board : 

Thornton A. Mills, Cor. Sec. 
August 1, 1834. 

resolutions. 
Board of Managers, August 1, 1834. 

The Board of Managers having had an in- 
terview with Joseph Jones, a man of colour, 
who was sent by them to Liberia for the 
purpose of making - a personal examination 
of the present condition and prospects of the 
colony, and to make a report to this Board, 
after receiving from him a full and accurate 
account of his nrssion, unanimously adopt 
the following resolutions : 

Resolved, That the Board of Managers 
are fully satisfied with the manner in which 
Joseph Jones has performed the services 
which were expected from him; that he 
is entitled to the thanks of the Society for 
the great amount of useful information which 
he has, with much toil and labour, acquired 
for the benefit of the free people of colour 
in this State, and that the Board recommends 
him to the kind and respectful consideration 
of all persons fiiendly disposed to African 
colonization, as a man of excellent charac- 
ter, of a clear and vigorous understanding, 
and possessed of those qualities which make 
a man useful to scciety. 

Resolved, That Mr. Jones be requested to 
accompany our agent to the principal places 
in this State, for the purpose of giving infor- 
mation with regard to the colony. 

gov. pinney's letter. 

May 10. 1834. 
Sia : The bearer, Mr. Jones, having, as 
I fully believe, faithfully executed the busi- 
ness of the mission on which he was sent, 
is about to return to the United States, in 
the schooner Edgar. It the section of coun- 
trv from which he came ran afford us one 
hundred men. possessing the spirit of enter- 
prise, and patience, and perseverance which 
he has evinced so far, they will bless the 
colony with their presence. 

Mr. J< nes's conduct, while here, has been 
blameless, and a | attern for others, and I 
trust he will find favour before God and mau. 
The vessel is to sail in a few hours, and 
must be an apology for brevity. 
With great respect, 

.Ixo. B. Pinney. A. A. C. S. 

EXAMINATION. 

\t what time did you leave this country 1 

1 left Louisville on the 23d of March, 

L833, and New Orleans on the 20th of April 

following, and reached Liberia on the 11th 

I ily. 



THE UBERIAN COLONY 



How long did you remain in the colony? 

Nine months and twenty-nine days. 

Did you travel extensively, and what 
places did you visit 1 

I travelled fifty-nine days, and visited all 
the settlements. 

How many settlements are there 1 De- 
scribe each one. 

There are five. 1. Monrovia, the seat of 
the colonial government, a seaport and com- 
mercial town, that stands on Cape Mesurado, 
at. the mouth of Mesurado river. It is about 
the size of Winchester, Ky. The soil on 
the Cape is rocky and gravelly, and not 
very productive. 2. New Georgia, the set- 
tlement of recaptured Africans, five miles 
from Monrovia, on Stockton creek, between 
Monrovia and Caldwell. Parts of two 
tribes, the Eboes and Congoes, live in the 
town, but on different sides of the street. 
They have intermarried with the colonists. 
They live partly by getting out lumber, and 
partly by agriculture. Their houses are 
built some in the native style, and some 
after the manner of the colonists. I suppose 
there are more than one hundred houses in 
the town. The soil is rich but sandy. 
3. Caldwell, ten miles from Monrovia, on 
the St. Paul's river. It is the largest settle- 
ment, and extends seven miles up the river. 
It is more prosperous than Monrovia. Farm- 
ing is carried on more extensively here than 
in any of the other settlements. The soil is 
excellent. 4. Millsburg, situated at the 
Falls of St. Paul's river, 20 miles from 
Monrovia. The settlement extends about 
three-quarters of a mile along the river. 
The land is very productive. There is a 
saw-mill now building opposite Millsburg. 
The dam and race are finished, and every 
thing is ready for the mill to be raised. 
The St. Paul's river is navigable to Mills- 
burg. 5. Edina, at Grand Bassa, GO or 80 
miles south of Monrovia, on the coast at the 
mouth of the St. John's river. It has been 
settled only two or three years, and some 
suppose it is the most healthy settlement in 
the colony. The soil is very fertile. There 
are about one hundred houses here. The 
St. Johns river is navigable for small ves- 
sels. There is another settlement about to 
be made at the mouth of Junk river. This 
river is larger than the Kentucky, and is na- 
vigable. 

Describe the face of the country. 
It is generally level, with a few small 
rises, but no high hills. 

How far is it back from the coast to the 
mountains ] 

It is said to be upwards of thirty miles. 
The ridge of Junk mountains can be seen 
from Ediua, and the Junk settlement. 
Is the land well timbered ! 
Yes; it produces several kinds of wood, 



that are called oak, poplar, hickory, and 
hackberry, though they do not resemble our 
trees, called by the same names, except some 
slight resemblance in the grain of the wood — 
the bark and leaves are different ; and also 
mangrove, brimstone tree, redwood, bay- 
wood, mahogany, and cotton wood. Coffee 
plants grow wild in the woods ; also pine- 
apples, limes, guavas, and plantains. 
Is the country well watered 1 
It has springs, branches, wells, and one 
of the rivers affords good drinking water. 
Are the rivers well supplied with fish 1 
They have an abundance of pike, macke- 
rel, cavala, and tarpaun, and several other 
kinds, to which no name has yet been given ; 
also oysters and clams. 

What productions are raised on their 
farms 1 

Rice, cassada, plantains, bananas, sour- 
sups, guavas, Indian corn, arrow-root, pea- 
nuts, coffee, and sugar-cane. 

How does the cassada grow, and how is it 
used 1 

It grows like the sweet potato. It is a 
root sometimes two or three feet long, and 
three or four inches in diameter. The top 
of it resembles the sumach bush. It is 
planted like the sugar-cane, three or four 
slips in a hill. One hill will produce from 
a peck to half a bushel. When ripe it is 
boiled or roasted, or dried and beaten into 
flour, and answers all the purposes of flour 
in this country. 

How is the coffee raised 1 
It is raised from trees or bushes. A tree 
! will bear in from four to six years after it has 
I been planted. One tree will bear from two 
! and a half to three bushels in the hulls, or 
I more than one bushel of clean coffee. Mr. 
Waring has 1500 trees planted that do not 
I yet bear. 

Can cotton be raised ] 

It can be cultivated almost to any extent. 

, It will grow from three to eight years with- 

j out replanting. I have been in Tennessee 

j Georgia, and North Carolina, and I think 

the cotton raised in Liberia is superior. 

j The tree grows from eight to ten feet high, 

and is topped in order to make it branch out 

I and become productive. 

Can more than one crop be raised during 
the season ] 

There arc two planting seasons, and two 
crops can be raised on the same ground. 

What is the state of morals and religion 
in the colony 1 

The state of morals is much like it is in 
the United States. There are in Monrovia 
two Baptist and two Methodist churches, 
and one Presbyterian church, well supplied 
with ministers. At Caldwell there is a 
Baptist and a Methodist church. At New 
Georgia, there is a Baptist church, and a 



4 



THE LIBERIAN COLONY. 



Methodist society that has no meeting-house. 
\t Millsburg there is a Baptist and a Me- 
thodist church. At Edina, there is a 
Methodist church. 

How is the colony supplied with schools? 

There are in all seven schools — a male 
and a female school at Monrovia ; a male and 
a female school at Caldwell. A school at 
New Georgia, Millsburg, and Bassa. The 
teachers are all coloured persons, and are 
considered competent. The schools are to- 
lerably well attended — not as well as might 
be, but as well as could be expected in pre- 
sent circumstances. There are Sunday- 
schools at all the settlements, except New 
Georgia ; and about that I am uncertain. 

What are the chief articles of commerce ? 

Camwood, palmwood, palm oil, ivory, 
gold dust, 'tortoise shell, pepper, beeswax, 
and hides. Vessels often call, and the har- 
bour is seldom clear of them. Many of 
the colonists own small vessels. There are 
nine in the coasting trade, and two more 
were building when I left. Most of these 
vessels were built in Monrovia. 

What is the government of the colony? 

The people elect their own officers, ex- 
cept the governor. I was at an election, 
and it was conducted as elections are in this 
country. The laws are well executed. 
The governor is a very worthy and capable 
man, and is active and attentive to the wants 
of the people. Lesser crimes are punished 
by imprisonment, and stripes, and labour on 
the public works. No capital offence has 
yet been committed. 

Are temperance societies encouraged ? 

Yes; the Methodist Church conference 
formed themselves into a temperance society 
early in January last. In April last, I was 
at Caldwell at the formation of a temper- 
ance society — 33 members joined the first 
night; and there are other societies at other 
places. 

How are emigrants provided for on their 
arrival? 

They are sent to a large building prepared 
by the government, and are furnished with 
provisions from the public store for six 
months. Their rooms are convenient. After 



the seasoning is over, each head of a family 
is entitled to one town lot, and ten acres of 
ground within three miles of the town, or 
thirty acres over three miles. 

What description of emigrants does the 
colony need ? 

It needs men — strong, virtuous, enterpris- 
ing, and intelligent. 

What kinds of clothing should emigrants 
be provided with? 

They should have a mattress and bed- 
clothes, and a full supply of cotton and 
woollen clothing. 

With what kind of tools should they be 
provided ? 

An axe, hammer, drawing- knife, hoe, 
spade, auger, gimlet, saw, and file. 

How many natives, do you suppose, are 
in the settlements ? 

About half as many as the colonists. They 
are well disposed, and anxious to learn the 
habits of the colonists. Some of them have 
adopted our dress, and can read, and have 
learned trades. Many come in from great 
distances in the interior. 

Do the colonists appear satisfied ? 

I was particular in my inquiries, and I 
found the large majority well satisfied, and 
would not return to this country, if they 
could. 

What is the military force ? 

It is strong enough for all necessary pur- 
poses. The natives are entirely friendly. 

What the wild and domestic animals in 
the colony ? 

The wild are deer of several kinds, hogs, 
cattle, and goats; and the tame are cattle, 
hogs, poultry, and a few horses and jacks. 

How do you like the climate ? 

The climate is more regular and healthy 
than in this country. After the colonists 
become seasoned, they enjoy excellent 
health. The natives are stout and healthy. 

What do you mean by the seasoning? 

Emigrants, in a short time after reaching 
the colony, are attacked with a fever, and 
their indisposition is different in duration; 
some recover in a short time, while others 
have not entirely gotten over it in two years. 
A few have entirely escaped. 



&xwibir@ 



COLONIZATION SOCIETY; 



AND ON 



ITS PROBABLE RESULTS; 



UNDER THE FOLLOWING HEADS: 

The Origin of the Society ; Increase of the Coloured Population ; Manumis- 
sion of Slaves in this country ; 

DECLARATIONS OF LEGISLATURES, A'ND OTHER ASSEMBLED BODIES, IN FAVOUR 

OF THE SOCIETY 

SITUATION OF THE COLONISTS AT MONROVIA, AND OTHER TOWNS; MORAL AND RELI- 
GIOUS CHARACTER OF THE SETTLERS; SOIL, CLIMATE, PRODUC- 
TIONS, AND COMMERCE OF LIBERIA ; 

ADVANTAGES TO THE FREE COLOURED POPULATION, BY EMIGRATION TO LIBERIA; DISADVANTAGES OF SLAVERY TO 

THE WHITE POITLATION ; CHARACTER OF THE NATIVES OF AFRICA BEFORE THE IRRUPTIONS OF 

THE BARBARIANS; EFFECTS OF COLONIZATION ON THE SLAVE TRADE; WITH A 

SLIGHT SKETCH OF THAT NEFARIOUS AND ACCURSED TRAFFIC. 



ADDRESSED TO THE HON. C. F. MERCER, M. H. R. U. S. 



BY M. CAREY. 



NINTH EDITION. 



TO WHICH IS PREFIXED 

THE IMPORTANT INFORMATION 

COLLECTED 

BY JOSEPH JONES, A COLOURED MAN, 

LATELY SENT TO LIBERIA, BY THE KENTUCKY COLONIZATION SOCIETY, 

TO ASCERTAIN 

THE TRUE .STATE OF THE COUNTRY— ITS PRODUCTIONS, TRADE, AND COMMERCE- 
AND THE SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OF THE COLONISTS. 



FOR SALE BY CAREY & HART, PHILADELPHIA. 

price five dollars per hundred. 

Sept. 17, 1834. 

STEREOTYFED BY h. JOHNSON. 



ADDENDUM TO THE FIFTH EDITION. 



EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY, DATED JUNE, 1832. 



"Africa makes her appeal to our sympathy, 
and charity, in a tone of earnestness and distress, 
to which we are bound to listen, and which the 
Board trust cannot be resisted. It is along her 
dark shores, and over her immense but unculti- 
vated fields, that the Society will dispense its 
richest blessings. What a night of gloom and 
terror has settled, for ages, on her land ! Her 
immense population covered with barbarism, 
given up as prey to outrage and violence, cursed 
by a trallic which has set brother against brother, 
desolated families and villages, excited the worst 
passions of savage nature, ruthlessly sundered all 
the ties of kindred and affection, and, seizing with 
merciless and unyielding grasp its bleeding and 
broken-hearted victims, borne them crowded and 
crushed and dying into foreign and hopeless bon- 
dage ! And even now, when her cries have 
pierced the heart of Christendom, when states and 
kingdoms have legislated and united to put an 
end to her sufferings, still torn, plundered, and 
robbed of her children by the pirates of all nations ; 
she. stretches out her hands and casts an implor- 
ing eye towards the friends of God and man, in 
this free and blessed country, for that deliverance, 
which she has looked for in vain to all the world 
beside. 

" But it is asked, will the ignorant and degraded 
men of colour of this country become the best 
missionaries to enlighten and regenerate Africa 1 
To this we reply, that there are men of colour 
in the U. S. who are well informed and exem- 
plary Christians ; that such as these have founded 
our present African Colony; that the very work 
to which they are called will develope their 
powers, and give elevation to their character, and 
finally, that plans for education and improvement 
commensurate with the necessities of every settle- 
ment which may be made, enter essentially into 
the views of this Society. 

" If in a little more than two centuries, our own 
country has, by colonization, been changed from 
a wilderness into a fruitful field, if a free and en- 
lightened Nation of thirteen millions has sprung 
up here, where but lately, the wolf and savage 
roamed unmolested amid boundless forests, where 
nature looked wild and rude as they ; if beautiful 
villages, and populous cities, Halls of Legislation, 
magnificent edifices, temples of justice, and a 
thousand churches stand before us the monu- 
ments of our greatness ; what may we not antici- 
pate for Africa from the settlement of civilized 
and Christian men upon her shores 1 And by 
whom can such settlements be so Well founded 
as by the free people of colour of the United 
States 1 Does not Providence clearly invite 
them to a work of unexampled promise, to their 
posterity and mankind! And is not this 
nation urged to assist them by the same Provi- 
dence, not less manifestly, and by motives as 
numerous and great as ever wrought upon the 
human mind. 

" Tho Managers appeal to the clergy of every 
denomination, and invite them, annually, on or 



near the day consecrated to the memory of oui 
Independence, to bring the claims of the Society 
before their people, and to receive, in further- 
ance of its object, such free-will offerings as 
gratitude to God and love to men may incline 
them to bestow. 

" They appeal to the Auxiliary Societies, and 
urge them to come forward with increased power 
to the work, to assist in forming other kindred 
associations, and by widely diffusing information, 
to excite the whole American community, duly 
to consider and promote the cause. 

" To their fair country-women, who are ever 
first to feel for the wretched, and foremost to ad- 
minister relief, whose moral influence in society, 
though their own modesty may undervalue it, 
humanity and religion acknowledge to be of vast 
power and unspeakable worth, Africa, darker in 
her mourning than her complexion, offers in 
silent grief, her plea, which it were impossible 
to render more convincing by argument, or 
touching by eloquence. She looks to American 
benevolence as to that in which all her precious 
hopes are treasured up, and for their fulfilment, 
nature itself will plead more strongly than we 
can, in every female heart. 

" Nor would the Managers omit to say to those 
who control the public press, that almost omni- 
potent engine for moving human minds to ac- 
tion, that to them belongs the power of securing 
to the design of this Society, the amplest means 
for its speedy consummation. Let every Editor 
in the country feel himself responsible, to make 
known throughout the limits of his influence, 
the views, operations and success of the Society, 
and that which it has been attempting in weak- 
ness, will be done with power, that which pri- 
vate charity has so well commenced, be com- 
pleted by the bounty of the States and the Na- 
tion. 

" In concluding this address, the Managers 
beg leave to say, that not less than one thousand 
emigrants are now seeking a passage to Liberia ; 
that the Colony is prepared to receive them ; 
that funds only are wanting to enable the Society 
to prosecute its enterprise on a larger scale ; and 
that all which can appeal to our interests, en- 
courage our hopes, or move our hearts to charity 
now commends the cause of African Coloniza- 
tion to the affection and liberality of our coun- 
trymen. Nor will they, the Managers are per- 
suaded, remain insensible to the merits of this 
cause. Every where meet us the indications of 
its growing popularity. Justice and Compassion, 
Mercy and Charity, have gone forth in fellow 
ship, to plead for it, and the Managers trust in 
the great Author of all good to send forth his 
spirit to their aid — that Spirit — under whose di- 
vine illuminations and all-gracious but all sub- 
duing energies, men of every country and condi- 
tion shall finally rejoice in peace and love, shar- 
ers, in unity, of the same faith, and of the samo 
hope of the great and common salvation." 

Philadelphia, Sept. 7, 1832. 



PREFACE. 



From the ardent opposition made to the 
"Colonization Society by some of our white 
V citizens, and by a number of the free coloured 
^"population, it might be supposed, by those un- 
c ; acquainted with tlie nature of the case, that 
the emigrants were absolutely pressed, like 
•rJBritish seamen, and hurried off against their 
inclinations — that they were here in tire en- 
joyment of all the solid advantages of society, 
each man "sitting under his own vine and 
his fig tree, and none to make him afraid," — 
that in Liberia, they were to be, in some de- 
gree, enslaved — and that tire climate was pes- 
tilential, and the soil sterile and ungrateful. 
Were this a true picture of the case, the op- 
position to the Society could not be more ar- 
dent or zealcus. 

Having treated on the situation of the free 
coloured population of this country, (p. 27,) 
we shall not, therefore, refer to it here : but so 
far as regards the colony at Liberia, it is 
proved, by evidence of the most undeniable 
character — of American Captains, Kennedy, 
Sherman, Nicholson, and Abels ; by that of 
Mr. Devany, a coloured man, High Sheriff 
of Liberia, who had been in the colony for six 
years, made a handsome fortune, and returned 
to this country to visit his friends and rela- 
tions; — and more especially by that of a com- 
mittee of the colonists at Monrovia, appointed 
to draw up an address to their brethren in 
this country ; that the project of colonization 
has fully realized, and not merely realized, 
but exceeded the most sanguine expectations 
formed of it by its ardent supporters ; that the 
contrast between the situation of the colonists 
and that of their brethren in this country, is 
immensely in favour of the former; and that 
the condition of the most favoured of the free 
coloured population here, is inferior in many 
important particulars, to that of the great 
mass of the colonists, any one of whom may, 
by good behaviour, aspire to the highest office 
in the colony, and in ek-.ctious, has as free 
a voice as Mr. Madison or Mr. Adams has, 
in the election of state and United States' 
officers. 

It is, therefore, difficult to conceive what 
good purpose can be answered by the opposi- 
tion to the plan of colonization, or by what 
motive its opposers can be influenced. 

There are three strong points of view, in 
which this subject may be considered, which 
must gain for colonization the zealous and 
efficient support of every man, white or co- 
loured, who is not under the dominion of in- 
veterate and incurable prejudice. I omit 
other important points, which might be 
mooted. 

I. The colony has arrested the progress of 
the nefarious and accursed slave trade in its 
neighbourhood ; destroyed some slave factories, 
.and liberated a number of slaves, who were on 
the point of being transported across the Atlan- 

3 



tic, subject to all the horrors of the passage, 
and, if they escaped with life, to the horrors of 
perpetual slavery ; and there cannot be a 
doubt, that at no distant day, the trade will 
be annihilated on the whole of the western 
coast of Africa. 

II. It has been the means of securing the 
emancipation of hundreds of slaves, in various 
parts of the United States, who are now in a 
genial climate, enjoying the luxury of free- 
dom with all its attendant blessings ; and, from 
the present disposition of the citizens of some 
of the slave states, particularly Virginia, there 
is no doubt that thousands will be emancipa- 
ted, as fast as means of transportation can be 
procured. 

III. It has commenced spreading the bless- 
ings of civilization, morals, and religion 
among the natives in the neighbourhood of 
the colony, whom it has taught to depend on 
honest industry in the cultivation of the soil, 
instead of the demoniac operation of setting 
fire to towns and villages, for the horrible 
purpose of seizing the wretched fugitives fly- 
ing from the flames, which was their former 
occupation. 

Now I freely appeal to Mr. Garrison, and 
Mr. Lundy, the most formidable opposers of 
colonization, and to their friends, and beg 
them to lay their hands on their hearts, and 
answer in the presence of their Maker, if 
any one of those objects does not repay ten 
fold the sacrifice which the whole have cost! 

Among the obj actions — how easy to make 
plausible objections ! — offered to the coloni- 
zation plan, one is, that considerhig the im- 
mense number of the coloured people in this 
country, about 2,400,000, it is impossible to 
make any serious impression on them by 
emigration ; especially as the colony at pre- 
sent, after twelve years existence, contains 
but 2,700 souls. Let us examine this ob- 
jection. 

The annual increase, as 1 have shown, is 
about 60,000. We will suppose the object 
is, to keep the numbers to the present stand- 
ard, which would be a great point gained. 
The expense to the government, or the So- 
ciety, will probably be $25 per head, for all 
the emigrants,- large and small, (taking into 
consideration those who pay, or whose masters 
will pay their passage,) or about $1,500,000 
per annum, for that number. This sum, pro- 
vided the subject were cordially taken up by 
the state legislatures and congress, would 
not be attended with the slightest difficulty. 
Indeed, if encountered with the zeal which 
its importance demands, twice the sum could 
be easily raised. But then the objectors em- 
phatically demand, how shall we provide for 
the transportation of such a number! 

It appears from Walsh's Sketches of Bra- 
zil, that there have been as many as 100,000 
of the wretched negroes ravished from their 



IV 



PREFACE. 



native land in one yeari If the wretches en- 
gaged in that nefarious traffic could find 
means of transporting 100,000 human beings 
in one year across the Atlantic, surely this 
powerful nation could, to accomplish the 
great objects in view, and to rescue itself by 
degrees from the odious stain of slavery, ac- 
complish the conveyance of 60, or even 
100,000 to a land where they will be "lords 
of the soil." 00 or 70,000 persons have emi- 
grated in one year from Great Britain and 
Ireland. 

It is asked, how shall provision be made for 
such a number in Liberia J they will perish 
for want of sustenance ! 

Can there exist any fear on this subject, 
when the soil of Liberia produces two re- 
gular crops a year, with the most imperfect 
culture ?* 

Philadelphia, April 20, 1832. 



P. S As this page was about to be put to press, 
the following interesting statement was handed to 
the writer, who avails himself of a chasm here, to 
insert it as a proof that sounder and more favoura- 
ble views of the Society, and of the situation of the 
colony, prevail in Charleston than among some of 
the coloured people here. 

" On the 6th of December, 1831, there was a meet- 
ing held in Charleston, of a number of coloured 
people, for the purpose of taking into consideration 
the propriety of emigrating to Liberia. The Chair- 
man, Junius Eden, after stating the object, observed 
'The inhabitants invite us to come and possess the 
land, to assist them to infuse into the natives, notions 
of pure morality, and to erect temples dedicated to 
the worship of Jehovah, where the injured sons of 
Africa may enter, and with united voices raise me- 
lodious songs of praise to Heaven' s Eternal King.' 
He said that no sacrifice was too great to be made 
here in order to secure for ourselves and our chil- 
dren the blessings of social happiness in Africa, and 
concluded bv calling on other members of the meet- 
ing to express their sentiments. 

" Charles Henry men arose and said, ' Africa, the 
land of our fathers, alihough surrounded with 
clouds of darkness, seems to me to be extending her 
arms towards us as her only hope of relief, and call- 

* The first edition of this pamphlet, which was 
distributed gratuitously, wholly at the expense of 
tne writer, was published Dec. 31, 1831. Two edi- 
tions, of 7000 copies, and one at Hartford in Con- 
necticut, have since been published, and it is now 
stereotyped, and disposed of at the mere cost of pa- 
per and printing, (85 per 100 copies,) in order to give 
it general circulation, in the hope of promoting a 
beneficent undertaking, which the wriler consci- 
entiously believes, hardly yields in imrwrtance to 
any agitated in this country, since the establishment 
of the present coustitutioii. The Theological So- 
ciety of Princeton, impressed with the same opinion 
oa the subject as the writer, purchased iOOO copies 
— the Parent Colonization Society 1600 — and above 
30 patriotic individuals 100 each, and some '200 co- 
pies. These flattering testimonials in its favour, 
afford the writer the very high gratification to be- 
lieve that bis labours in this cause have not been 
in vain. 



mg on us loudly for help — saying, 'I struggle lot 
light and for liberty, and call upon you by the 
manes of your ancestors, to come toiiv help and 
your rightful possession. Tarry then not, but 
come over and dispel the darkness from your be- 
nighted land. Come, and inspire us by your exam 
pie with sentiments of virtue, and wi;h a love of 
the duties taught by the meek and lowly Jesus. 
Come and erect altars, and light them with the pure 
fire of devotion to the only living and true God, 
Come and enforce the empire of reason, truth, and 
Christianity over our benighted minds. Be no 
longer as a sentinel asleep at your post ; desert net 
your own people and the country of your ancestors.* 
Mr. Henry concluded by submitting the following 
preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously 
adopted. 

" Whereas it will be unworthy of ns as descend- 
ants of Africa, if after the bright and inspiring pros- 
pects which are held out to us of inheriting the land 
of our fathers, we let go, by supine negligence, the 
opportunity now offered by the Colonization Society 
of accepting the invitation of our brethren in Libe- 
ria to inherit and enjoy alike with them a land, not 
obtained by the harrowing price of blood and 
treachery, but by the unspotted gift of heai, en to 
our ancestors. Therefore 

" Resolved, That we take the Bible for our chart, 
with a full supply of love, hope, and faith, and 
leuve the land that gave us birth, and emigrate to 
Liberia, in Africa, the land of our ancestors, there 
to spend the remnant of our days, in peace and har- 
mony. 

"Resolved, Thr.t we goto Africa as Harbingers of 
Peace in the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel of 
Christ, and determinsd, by every virtuous deed, to 
set such examples as shall be worthy of the Chris- 
tian name. 

" Resolved, That we who compose this meeting, 
placing our only reliance in an All- wise Providence, 
and supplicating his guidance and direction in our 
affairs, do solemnly in his presence, pledge our faith 
to each other, that we will live in Africa in union 
and brotherly love as one family. And that they 
who shall reach Africa first, shall select suitable 
lands for the remainder ; and that we will mutually 
assist each other, and afford, when needed, both spir- 
itual and temporal aid ; and in case of the death of 
the heads of families, the surviving members shall 
foster and afford the family of the deceased every 
possible relief. 

" Resolved, That our motives for leaving the place 
that gave us birth, arc honourable, just and right; 
and for the purity of our intentions, we appeal to 
the Judge of all the earth. And taking II is word for 
our standard, we will not harbour or encourage any 
designs that may tend to disturb the peace and har- 
mony of this stale, or by any means alienate the af- 
fections of our brethren who are held as property, 
from their subordinate channel. 

•• Resolved, That as soon as our affairs can be 
brought to a close, we will make application to be 
conveyed to Liberia." 



N. B. Major Barbour, a coloured man, who resided 
about seven years in Liberia, where he has left his 
family, and where he intends to return, is now in 
this city. 1 [e was a member of the committee which 
drew up the address to the coloured people of the 
U. S. which is to be seen in p. 20, and winch draws 
such a very flattering picture of the situation of tho 
colony and of the color* sts. 

Philadelphia, June. 1832. 



LETTERS, &c. 



LETTER I. 
The Southampton Massacre. — Difference be- 
tween the State of Slavery in Greece and 
Rome, and in the United States. — Various 
Plans of Colonization. — Objects of the 
Colonization Society. 

TO THE HON. CHARLES FEXTON MERCER. 

Dear Sir, — The tragical issue of the insur- 
rection in Southampton, in which above sixty 
whites fell a sacrifice to the vengeance of their 
slaves, and subsequently to which, a great num- 
ber of slaves suffered the penalties of the vio- 
lated laws of the state, has awakened the slave 
states out of their slumbers, and excited con- 
siderable attention towards our coloured popu- 
lation, and the awful consequences that may 
ensue, sooner or later, from the admixture of 
two heterogeneous castes in the country, with- 
out the least probability, at any future period, 
however remote, of an amalgamation between 
them, in consequence of the diversity of colour. 

In this respect our situation is widely differ- 
ent from that of Greece or Rome. The great 
mass of their slaves were of the same colour 
as their masters, and a complete amalgamation 
might take place in a generation or two. — 
Against such a result, there is in this country, 
an insuperable barrier. 

This subject had occupied the attention cf 
some of the wisest and best men of the coun- 
try, for above half a century. Several attempts 
were made in different provinces before the re- 
volution, to prevent the importation of slaves, 
and acts were passed for the purpose ; but they 
were uniformly rejected by the governors, un- 
der instructions from the British privy council 
— or by that council when the acts were trans- 
mitted for royal approbation. So early as 1772, 
the house of burgesses of Virginia, unanimously 
agreed upon an address to the king of Great 
Britain, praying him "to remove' those re- 
straints on the governors of the colony, which 
inhibited them from assenting to such laws as 
might check so very pernicious a commerce." 

"The importation of slaves into the colonies, from 
the coasts of Africa, has long been considered as a 
trade of great inhumanity, and under its encourage- 
ment, we have too much reason to fear, will en- 
danger THE VERY EXISTENCE OF YOUR MAJESTY'S 

American dominions. 

" We are seasible that some of your majesty's 
subjects in Great Britain, may reap emolument from 
this sort of traffic ; but when we consider that it 
greatly retards the settlement of the colonies with more 
white inhabitants, and may, in time, have the most de- 
structive influence, we presume to hope, that the in- 
terests of a few will be disregarded, when placed in 
competition with the security and happiness of such 
numbers of your majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects." 

This and various other efforts were entirely 
fruitless. The trade remained unrestrained 
until the declaration of independence, when 
Virginia and some other states prohibited it 
altogether. 

Unfortunately, the sound sentiments so ex- 



plicitly expressed by the burgesses of Virginia, 
in 1772, were forgotten, or had lost their influ 
ence in 1787, when the federal constitution was 
formed. By that instrument congress was pro- 
hibited from passing laws to prevent the im- 
portation of slaves for twenty years ! A courtly 
style was employed. It was not thought pro- 
per to introduce the word " slaves." 

"The migration or importation of such persons as 
any of the states, now existing, shall think proper to 
admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior 
to the year 1808 ; but a tax or duty may be imposed 
on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for 
each person." 

In consequence of this unfortunate constitu- 
tional legitimation of the slave trade, it was 
carried on for twenty years on a large scale, 
and sowed a seed which has germinated with 
fatal fertility, and threatens a heavy retribution. 

In the discussion of the best means of avert- 
ing, or at least of mitigating the evil to be 
dreaded, from the existence among us of a 
class of people, who, although free, and there- 
fore entitled to the advantages and privileges 
of freemen, were, nevertheless, in a great 
degree, debarred from them by the inexorable 
force of public prejudice, and, in most of the 
states, were subject to rules and regulations 
and proscriptions, of the most oppressive and 
galling kind — in this discussion, I say, public 
opinion unanimously settled down in favour 
of an extensive system of colonization. 

On the subject of the location, there was not 
the same degree of unanimity. Some of our 
citizens were in favour of selecting a portion 
of the vacant territory of the United States, 
and setting it apart for the purpose. Others 
were, and some still are, for making an ar- 
rangement with the government of Mexico, 
and sending the class in question to Texas. 
Others, again, advocated a settlement on the 
western coast of Africa, being the natale solum 
of their ancestors, the climate being better 
suited to the great majority of the coloured 
people of this country. The last plan was 
finally adopted. 

The objects of the friends of colonization 
are — \ 

I. To rescue the free coloured people from 
the disqualifications, the degradation, and the 
proscription to which they are exposed in the 
United States. 

II. To place them in a country where they 
may enjoy the benefits of free government, 
with all the blessings which it brings in its 
train. 

III. To avert the dangers of a dreadful col 
lision at a future day ot the two castes, which 
must inevitably be objects of mutual jealousy 
to each other. 

IV. To spread civilization, sound morals, 
and true religion throughout the vast conti- 
nent of Africa, at present sunk in the lowest 
and most hideous state of barbarism.' 



6 



LETTERS ON THE 



V. And though last, not least, to afford 
slave owners who are conscientiously scrupu- 
lous about holding human beings in bondage, 
an asylum, to which they may send their 
manumitted slaves. 

The last item has recently assumed a 
greatly increased importance. Manumissions 
are prohibited in some of the slave states, un- 
less the parties remove beyond their bounda- 
ries ; and the entrance of free negroes into 
others is prohibited; so that manumissions 
without deportation, appear to be almost 
wholly at an end. 

With such noble objects in view, it is truly 
wonderful, that although the society has been 
in existence for sixteen years, the whole of 
the contributions, public and private, (except 
the support by the government of the United 
States, of negroes captured from slave traders) 
received up to the present day, by the society 
for carrying them into effect, has been but 
about §165,000, little more than a cent a head 
for the entire population of the most prosper- 
ous nation in the world ! a nation, moreover, 
in which other objects, some of them of infe- 
rior usefulness, are most liberally supported ! 
This must have arisen from an impression 
entertained by many, that the scheme is ab- 
solutely impracticable. Hence, many liberal 
individuals have wholly withheld their con- 
tributions. Of this opinion was the writer of 
these letters, at an early stage of the exist- 
ence of the society. He regarded it as one 
of the wildest projects ever conceived by en- 
lightened men ; and therefore, in the language 
of Sterne, respecting the monk, he was " pre- 
determined not to give them a single sous." 
Mature reflection has, however, convinced 
him of his error: he is now satisfied that the 
project is not more benignant and beneficent, 
than practicable, provided the general and 
state governments, and public-spirited indivi- 
duals yield it a support in any degree commen- 
surate with its importance. 

In the hope of converting others, as he him- 
self has been converted, he believes he may 
render an acceptable service to his country, 
by placing before the public, in plain, una- 
dorned language, the leading features of the 
case, under the following prominent heads. 

1. On the early plans of colonization, and 
the origin of the Society. 

2. The purchase of Liberia. 

3. Inciease of the coloured population. 

4. Expense of the passage of the emigrants, 

5. Manumissions that have taken place, 
with a view to emigration to Liberia. 

6. Progress of the colony, compared with 
the difficulties and disasters, experienced in 
the settlement of Massachusetts, Virginia, and 
North Carolina. 

7. Decided approbation of the Society by 
legislatures and other public bodies. 

8. Testimonies of the prosperous situation of 
the colon ists,by various American captains,&c. 



9. Soil and climate, commerce, and produc- 
tions of Liberia. 

10. Disadvantages of slavery to the whites, 
and the advantages of colonization to the free 
people of colour. 

1 1. Situation of Africa, before the irruptions 
of the barbarians. 

12. Effects of the colony on the slave trade, 
with a slight sketch of that nefarious traffic. 

April 8, 1832. 



LETTER II. 
Early plans of Colonization. — Mr. Jeffer- 
son's and Mr. Thornton's. — Resolve of the 
Legislature of Virginia. — Ineffectual Ne- 
gotiations. — For?natio7i of the Colonization 
{Society. — Granville Sharpe, Anthony Be- 
nezet, Paul Ciiffec. 

As early as the year 1777, Mr. Jefferson 
proposed to the legislature of Virginia, to be 
incorporated in the revised code of that State, 
a plan for colonizing the free coloured popu- 
lation of the United States. The particulars 
I have not been able to obtain. There is rea- 
son to believe, that he proposed the settlement 
in some of the western vacant lands. Be that 
as it may, the project proved an abortion, 
owing partly to the distractions and difficul- 
ties of the war, and partly to the novelty and 
magnitude of the undertaking. How much 
to be deplored the result ! Had it succeeded, 
what a source of danger and disaster would 
have been dried up for ever ! 

In the year 17d7, Dr. Thornton of Wash- 
ington, formed a project for establishing a co- 
lony of that population on the western coast 
of Africa, and published an address to those 
residing in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, 
inviting them to accompany him. A suffi- 
cient number of them agreed to iro, and were 
prepared for the expedition. But this project 
failed, in consequence of the want of funds. 
The public mind was not then prepared foi 
affording pecuniary support Previous to the 
year 1S01, the legislature of Virginia, twice 
debated in secret session, the subject of colo- 
nizing the free people of colour, without 
coming to any decision on it. But in 1801, 
they passed a resolution, instructing Mr. .Mon- 
roe, then governor of the state, to apply to the 
President of the United States, and urge him 
to institute negotiations with some of the pow- 
ers of Europe possessed of colonies on the coast 
of Africa, to grant an asylum, to which our 
emancipated negroes might be sent. Mr. Jef- 
ferson opened a negotiation with the Sierra 
Leone Company, for the purpose, but without 
success. At that period, the colony was in a 
verv depressed and decaying state, being un- 
der the command of a private company, who 
found its support extremely burdensome. They 
did not choose to increase their difficulties by 
an increase of the population. It was soon af- 
terwards surrendered to the British govern- 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



ment. Mr. Jefferson subsequently applied to 
the government of Portugal, for an asylum in 
their African possessions, and equally failed. 
The project was then abandoned as hopeless. 

In the session of the legislature of Virginia, 
in 1816, the subject was again brought for- 
ward, an:l the following resolution was adopted 
by a large majority. 

"Whereas, the General Assembly of Virginia have 
repeatedly sought to obtain an asylum, beyond the 
limits of ihe United States, for such persons of co- 
lour as had been, or might be emancipated, under 
the laws of this commonwealth ; but have hitherto 
found all their efforts frustrated, either by die dis- 
turbed state of other nations, or domestic causes, 
equally unpropitious to their success : 

"They now avail themselves of a period, when 
peace has healed the wounds of humanity, and the 
principal nations of Europe have concurred with the 
government of the United States, in abolishing the 
African Slave Trade, (a traffic which this Common- 
wealth, both before and since the revolution, zeal- 
ously sought to exterminate,) to renew this effort, 
and do therefore, — 

" Resolve, That the Executive be requested to cor- 
respond with the President of the United States, for 
the purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of 
Africa, or at some other place, not within any of the 
states or territorial governments of the United States, 
to serve as an asylum for such persons of colour as 
are now free, and may desire the same, and for those 
who may hereafter be emancipated within this 
Commonwealth; and that the Senators and Repre- 
sentatives of this slate, in the congress of the United 
States, be requested to exert their best efforts to aid 
the President of the United States in the attainment 
of the above objects. 

''Provided, That no contract or arrangement re- 
specting such territory shall be obligatory on this 
Commonwealth, until ratified by the legislature." _ 

Thus the scheme of colonization, which is 
now so violently denounced, in some of the 
papers in South Carolina, as a conspiracy 
against the rights and property of the slave 
holders, and forms a part of the means whereby 
the dangerous effervescence in that state has 
been excited, originated with the great lead- 
ing slave state, which possesses more than a 
third of all the slaves in the five original slave 
states. 

It appears that the idea of a Colonization 
Society, originated with the Rov. Robert Fin- 
ley, of New Jersey, a man of great humanity 
and benevolence, who, in February, 1815, 
wrote a letter to a friend,* in which he deeply 

* Basking Ridge, Feb. 14th, 1815. 
"The longer I live to see the WTetchedness of 
men, the more I admire the virtue of those who de- 
vise, and with patience labour to execute, plans for 
the relief of the wretched. On this subject the state 
of the free blacks has very much occupied my mind. 
Their number increases greatly, and their wretch- 
edness too, as appears to me. Every thing connected 
with their condition, including their colour, is against 
them : nor is there much prospect that their state can 
ever be greatly meliorated, while they shall conti- 
nue among us. Could not the rich and benevolent de- 
vise means to form a colony cm some part of the coast of 
Africa, simil'ir to the one at Sierra Leone, which might 
gradually induce many free blacks to go and settle, 
devising' for them the means of getting there, and of 
■protection and support till they were establish d ? 
Could they be sent back to Africa, a threefold bene- 



deplored the calamitous and degraded state 
of the free people of colour, and suggested the 
plan of forming a colony on the coast of Afri- 
ca, for their reception, as a means of improv- 
ing their morals and manners, and rescuing 
them from the debasement under which they 
labour in this country. He counted largely 
on the advantages that such a colony would 
insure to Africa, by the introduction of civili- 
zation and Christianity. 

Full of these benevolent views, he repaired 
to Washington, in December, 1810, and with 
considerable efforts, assembled a meeting of 
citizens of influence and respectability, among 
whom were Bushrod Washington, Henry 
Clay, John Randolph, of Roanoke, Col. Mer- 
cer, Elias B. Caldwell, Francis S. Key, &c. 
&c, to whom the project of forming a Co- 
lonization Society was submitted. Bushrod 
Washington presided at the meeting. The 
subject was fully and eloquently discussed, 
among others by Mr. Clay and- Mr. Ran- 
dolph. The latter observed, that — 

" If a place could be provided for their reception 
and a mode of sending them hence, ihere were hun- 
dreds, nay thousands, who would, by manumitting 
their slaves, relieve themselves from the cares at- 
tendant on their possession." 

At this meeting, a letter from Thomas Jef- 
ferson, dated January 21, 1811, was read, in 
which he stated his abortive negociations with 
the Sierra Leone company, and with the Por- 
tuguese government. The following extracts 
are taken from this letter : 

" You have asked my opinion on the proposition of 
Ann Mifflin, to take measures for procuring on the 
coast of Africa, an establishment, to which the peo- 
ple of colour of these United States might, from time 
to time, be colonized, under the auspices of different 
governments. Having long ago viade up my mind 
on this subject, I have no hesitation in saying, that 1 
have ever thought that the most desirable measure that 
could be adopted, for gradually drawing off this part 
of our population — most advantageous for them- 
selves as well as for us ; going from a country pos- 
sessing all the useful arts, they might be the means 
of transplanting them ambng the inhabitants of 
Africa; and would thus carry back to the country 
of their origin, the seeds of civilization ; which might 
render their sojournment here a blessing, in the end, 
to that country. Indeed, nothing is more to be wished, 
than that the United States would, themselves, under- 
take to make such an establishment on the coast if 
Africa." 

A society was formed; Bushrod Wash- 
ington was appointed president, and Messrs. 
Crawford, Clay, Rutgers, Howard, Gen. Jack- 
son, Rev. R. Fialey, &c. vice presidents. An 
eloquent memorial to Congress was drawn 
up, which Mr. Randolph undertook to present 
to that bodv. 



It may not be amiss to mention here the 
names of the two persons, who, during the last 

fit would arise. We should he cleared of them. Wo 
should send to Africa, a population partly civilized 
and christianized for its benefit. And our blacks 
themselves, would be put in a better situation. 
Think much upon this subject, and then please to 
write me when you have leisure."— Robert Finley 



LETTERS ON THE 



century, were in the highest degree instru- 
mental in directing the public attention to 
slavery, and the horrors of the slave trade. 
Although numbers of persons on each side 
of the Atlantic, had previously borne strong 
testimony against both, the pre-eminence in 
efficiency is due to Granville Sharpe, in En- 
gland, and Anthony Benezet, in Pennsylva- 
nia. The labours of the latter commenced 
about 1760, and of the former in 1770. 

Sharpe's career began with the case of J. 
Strong, who ha/1 been cruelly treated by his 
master, a planter of the island of Barbadoes, 
oy whom he had been brought to England, 
and being found useless, partly by disease, and 
partly by the inhuman treatment he had ex- 
perienced, was abandoned to perish in the 
streets of London, or to depend on mendicity 
for a support. Sharpe, becoming acquainted 
with his forlorn situation, took him under his 
protection, and recommended him to the care 
of his brother William, a respectable physi- 
cian, by whom he was restored to health. 
The brutal master asserted his claim to Strong, 
as soon as he had recovered his powers of use- 
fulness. The brothers resisted the claim, and 
protected Strong, for which, a prosecution was 
commenced against them by the master. The 
result is not stated in the life of Sharpe, but 
it is highly probable that the cause of human- 
ity triumphed. 

This case, however, and two others, of a 
similar character, which occurred subse- 
quently, did not settle the question, whether 
slavery could exist in England, which was 
brought to issue by the case of Somerset, a 
negro slave, (belonging to a Charles Stewart, 
a Virginian.) whose liberty was claimed by 
Sharpe, on the broad ground, that the soil of 
England could not be polluted by slavery. 
The case was brought before Lord Mansfield, 
in the court of king's bench, whose opinion 
on the subject was so far unsettled, that he 
declared to the counsel, on the opening of the 
case — that, 

"If it came fairly to the general question, what- 
ever the opinion of the court might be, even if they 
were all agreed upon one side or the other, the sub- 
ject was of so general and so extensive a concern, 
that, from the-nature of the question, he should cer- 
tainly take the opinion of the judges upon it." 

The case was argued three times, in Janu- 
ary, February, and May 1772, and the deci- 
sion three times postponed, on account of the 
doubts of the chief justice. At length, on the 
22d of June, he pronounced judgment, which 
concluded as follows: — 

" There is no necessity to refer the question to the 
judges. Immemorial usage preserves positive law, 
after the occasion or accident, which gave rise to it, 
has been forgotten ; and tracing the subject to na- 
tural principles, the claim of slavery never can be 
supported. The power claimed never was in use 
here, or acknowledged by the law. Upon the whole, 
we cannot say the cause returned is sufficient by the 
law: and therefore the man must lie discharged." 

Anthony Bcnozet was ;m indefatigable ad- 
vocate of the rights of the coloured people, 



and an ardent, enemy of the execrable slave 
trade, on which he wrote a number of pam- 
phlets, the distribution of which had a pow- 
erful effect in producing the efforts that led 
to the abolition of that traffic. Several per- 
sons, belonging to the society of Friends, in 
this country, had previously laboured in the 
same cause of humanity, among whom were 
William Burling, Ralph Sanfbrd, Benjamin 
Lay, and John Woolman. But their labours, 
though highly meritorious, were by no means 
so effectual as those of Benezet, who, how- 
ever, had the advantage, that he found the 
public mind rather better prepared by those 
estimable pioneers, for the reception of his 
doctrines. 

The first emigration of coloured people from 
the United States to Africa, was conducted 
by Paul Cuffee, an amiable, benevolent, and 
liberal coloured man, born at New Bedford, 
in 1759, of an African father and aboriginal 
mother. In the year 1815, he sailed from 
Boston, in a vessel of his own, and took with 
him nine families, containing thirty-eight per- 
sons, of whom only eight paid their expenses. 
The whole expense of the remaining thirty, 
amounting to above three thousand dollars, 
was defrayed by the noble-minded Paul Cuf- 
fee. He landed them in Sierra Leone, where 
they were kindly received. Had he means, 
he might, in 1816, have taken 2000 from New 
England, as nearly the whole were willing to 
take passage with him. 

" Paul Cuffee, by industry and enterprize, guided 
by an uncommon snare of plain sense and prac deal 
wisdom, arose from poverty to opulence. He was 
largely concerned in navigation ; and, in many voy- 
ages, particularly to Russia, England, Africa, the 
West Indies, and the Southern states, commanded 
his own vessel. A man of sterling integrity and ac- 
tive benevolence, of modest and dignified manners, 
he was known and honoured by persons of the first 
respectability, in England and the United States." 

Philadelphia, April 10, 1832. 



LETTER III. 
Agents sent to Africa to explore the coast 
for a suitable situation. — Land purchased. 
— Conflict with the natives. — Agent seized 
by them. — Monrovia besieged. — In immi- 
nent danger. — Colonists triumph. — Peace. 
In November, 1819. the society appointed 
two agents, the Rev. S. J. Mills and Mr. Ebe- 
nezer Burgess, to proceed to the coast of 
Africa, via England, to make the necessary 
explorations and inquiries as to a suitable lo 
cation tor a settlement. The object of land 
ing in England, was, to procure letters to the 
leading men at Sierra Leone, and also to gain 
such general information respecting the coast 
of Africa, as might be attainable. They suc- 
ceeded in both objects, and procured, more- 
over, recommendations from the court of Co- 
penhagen, to its colonial authorities on the 
coast They sailed from the Downs on the 
7th of February, 1830, and arrived at Sierra 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



9 



Leone early in March. They visited all the 
ports from Sierra Leone to Sherboro. At this 
fast place, they found a small colony of co- 
loured people, settled by John Kizel, a South 
Carolina slave, who had joined the British in 
the revolutionary war, and at its close was 
taken to Nova Scotia, from whence he sailed 
with a number of his countrymen to Africa, 
where he established this small settlement, 
which was, at the arrival of the agents, in a 
prosperous situation. By Kizel and his peo- 
ple, the agents were kindly and hospitably 
received. After gaining all the information 
necessary for their purpose, they sailed from 
the coast in May. Mr. Burgess arrived in the 
United States in the following month. Mr. 
Mills died on the passage. 

On the 2d of March, 1607, an act was 
passed by the Congress of the United States, 
prohibiting the slave trade, from and after the 
1st of January, 1808, under heavy penalties. 
Its chief features were, 

I. Any person engaged in fitting out a ves- 
sel for that trade, was liable to a penalty of 
20,000 dollars. 

II. Any person taking on board a vessel on 
the coast of Africa, any negro, mulatto, or 
person of colour, was subject to a penalty of 
5000 dollars. 

III. All vessels of the United States, found 
at sea by our cruisers, having been engaged 
in the slave trade, were to be forfeited, with all 
their tackle ; the captain or master to be tried, 
and, if found guilty, to be subject to a fine of 
$10,000, and to imprisonment for not more 
than ten, nor less than five years. 

This act contained a clause, whereby ne- 
groes brought hito the United States, in con- 
sequence of its provisions, were to be " sub- 
ject to any regulations, not contravening the 
provisions of the act, which the legisla- 
tures of the several states or territories might 
thereafter make, for disposing of such ne- 
groes." 

By an act passed by the legislature of Geor- 
gia, on the 18th of J3ecember, 1817, all ne- 
groes, mulattoes, or persons of colour brought 
into the state, in pursuance of the above act 
of Congress, were directed to be claimed by 
a person to be appointed by the governor, 
taken to Milledgeville, and there sold, after 
sixty days notice in a public gazette. 

It is obvious that the law of Congress, abo- 
lishing the slave trade, would be a solemn 
mockery, unless an asylum were provided for 
the captured negroes. If landed in Georgia, 
or any other of the slave-holding states, they 
would be sold as slaves, and in that case, the 
only effect of the law of congress would be, 
to change the location of the victims from the 
Havanna or Rio de Janeiro, to Augusta, or 
Savannah, or Milledgeville. And the non- 
slave holding states would never consent to 
be burdened with negroes who could not 
speak their language, nor be able, for a long 



time, to earn a support, and who would there- 
fore become paupers. 

The law of Georgia, however, contained a 
clause which authorised and required the go- 
vernor to deliver to the Colonization Society, 
all captured negroes, landed in the state, pro- 
vided the society paid all the expenses incur- 
red by the state, since their capture and con- 
demnation. 

A slaver, containing thirty-eight negroes, 
was captured by one of our government ves- 
sels, and brought into Georgia. The negroes 
were advertised for sale, on the 3d of May, 

1819, at Milledgeville, in pursuance of the 
above act. The Colonization Society, then in 
its infancy, availed itself of the clause refer- 
red to — paid the expenses incurred by the 
state, and rescued the victims of piratical cu- 
pidity from a perpetual slavery. 

Cases of this kind which had previously oc- 
curred, drew the attention of congress to the 
necessity of providing an asylum tor the cap- 
tured negroes ; and accordingly, an act was 
passed on the 3d of March, 1819, whereby 
the president was "authorized to make such 
regulations and arrangements as he might 
deem expedient, for the safe keeping, support, 
and removal beyond the limits of the United 
States, of all such negroes, mulattoes, or per- 
sons of colour, as might [in this manner,] be 
brought within their jurisdiction ; and to ap- 
point a proper person or persons, residing 
upon the coast of Africa, as agent or agents, 
for receiving the negroes, mulattoes, or per- 
sons of colour, delivered from on board vessels 
seized in the prosecution of the slave trade, 
by commanders of the United States' armed 
vessels." 

It was obvious that the objects of the go- 
vernment could be better accomplished in 
conjunction with the Colonization Society, 
than separately. Accordingly, in the year 

1820, the Elizabeth was chartered, and took 
out to the coast two agents of the govern- 
ment, one from the Society, and about eighty 
emigrant* The latter were to be employed 
at tlie expense of the government, in prepar- 
ing accommodations for the reception of re- 
captured negroes. 

They were, in the outset, extremely un- 
fortunate. They found it impossible to obtain 
a suitable place, and " were compelled, by a 
variety of untoward circumstances, to make a 
temporary establishment in the low, un- 
healthy island of Sherboro." Here they were 
detained some time, endeavouring to purchase 
land — a nd were attacked by fatal diseases, 
which carried off the three agents, and twenty 
of the colonists. 

The colony was in a lamentable state, in 
the spring of 1821. Great confusion and 
want of subordination prevailed, in conse- 
quence of the death of the agents. At that 
time, four new ones arrived, Messrs. An- 
drews, Wiltberger, Winn, and Bacon; the 



10 



LETTERS ON THE 



two first on the part of the Society, and the 
others on that of the United States. They 
brought out twenty-eight emigrants — and, 
from the difficulties that had occurred in pro- 
curing land, they proceeded with the old and 
new hands to the neighbourhood of Sierra Le- 
one. One of the agents, Mr. Bacon, being 
taken sick, returned- to the United States. 
Mr. Andrews died in August, and Mr. Whin 
in September. 

This was a most appalling state of things, 
and would have discouraged ordinary men 
from a prosecution of the scheme. Fortu- 
nately, such timid counsels did not prevail. 
The Society determined to persevere, trust- 
ing that more experience, and the choice of 
a more salubrious situation, would guard 
against a repetition of those disasters. 

A new agent, Dr. Ayres, was appointed, 
who, with Lieutenant Stockton, on the part 
of the Unked States, sailed in November, 
1821, and arrived on the coast of Africa in 
December. On a careful examination of the 
coast, they purchased the country called Mont- 
serado, where the colony is now settled. The 
price agreed upon, was three hundred dollars, 
payable in powder and ball, fire-arms, tobac- 
co, clothing, &c. 

The Africans who had been landed at Sierra 
Leone, were now sent for, and affairs wore a 
promising aspect, when an untoward circum- 
stance occurred, which threatened a total 
failure of the scheme. 

A small slave vessel, prize to an English 
schooner, with thirty recaptured slaves on 
board, and bound for Sierra Leone, put in for 
water at Perseverance island, part of the pur- 
chased territory, where the colonists were 
stationed. Having unfortunately parted her 
cable, she drifted on shore, where she was 
wrecked. The custom of the coast appropri- 
ates to the petty chief on whose lands a wreck 
takes place, the vessel and her entire con- 
tents. King George, on whose territory the 
accident happened, sent his people to take 
possession. They were resisted by the cap- 
tain and crew, and were discomfited. While 
the natives were preparing to renew the at- 
tack, the captain sent to the agent for assist- 
ance, which was readily granted. A boat 
was instantly manned, and sent to his relief, 
and a brass field piece on the island brought 
to bear on the assailants, who were accord- 
ingly routed, with the loss of two killed and 
several wounded. The crew and slaves were 
brought in safety to land, but the vessel went 
to pieces, and most of the stores and property 
was lost. 

This exasperated the natives, not merely 
by the loss of their plunder and their men, but 
by the prospect it held out of similar interfer- 
ences in future. They anticipated the total 
interruption of the slave trade, which was 
their principal dependence for procuring sup- 
olios of whatever they might want. They 



therefore determined, to extirpate the colony, 
while in its feeble and defenceless state. 

Only part of the goods had been delivered, 
and the natives refused to receive the remain- 
der, insisting on returning what they had re- 
ceived. This, of course, the agent refused, 
and they had recourse to a stratagem to ac- 
complish their purpose. They invited him 
to an amicable conference, and as soon as they 
had him in their power, made him a piisoner, 
and detained him until he consented to take 
the articles back. Then they insisted on the 
colonists withdrawing from the settlement 
altogether. Pleading the difficulty of re- 
moval, for want of a place to which to retire, 
he was permitted to remain till he could make 
a purchase of land. Meanwhile, he made an 
appeal to Boatswain, one of the native kings, 
who enjoyed a sort of supremacy among 
them, and who, on hearing the respective al- 
legations, gave an award in favour of the co- 
lonists, that the bargain had been fair on both 
sides ; that there was no ground for rescind- 
ing it ; and therefore, that the natives should 
receive the stipulated goods, and relinquish 
the purchased territory. With this judgment 
his perfidious regal brethren were forced to 
comply, as he threatened them with ven- 
geance, if they proved refractory. < 

Notwithstanding this favourable decision 
of the dangerous controversy, the colony was 
at the lowest ebb at that period. It had to 
dread the vengeance of its neighbours, on the 
departure of Boatswain, whose territories were 
considerably remote, and before whose return, 
for their defence, they might be crushed by 
the overwhelming numbers of their enemies. 
And, unfortunately, through the unskilfulness 
of the colonial engineer, the thatch of the 
store house, wherein were contained the pro- 
visions, arms, ammunition, merchandize, and 
other public property of the colony, had taken 
fire, in their conflict in the defence of the 
English prize ship, and the house and nearly 
all its contents, amounting in value to about 
three thousand dollars, assorted for the settle- 
ment, and all of the first necessity, were con- 
sumed. The powder, a few casks of provi- 
sions, and a scanty supply of other stores, 
were with difficulty, rescued from the flames, 
by the exertions of the colonists. 

" The houses were yet destitute of roofs, for which 
the materials were to be sought for, in the almost 
impenetrable swamps of the country. The rainy 
season hail already commenced. The island (Per- 
severance,) if much longer occupied by the colo- 
nists, must prove the grave of many. Sickness was 
beginning to be prevalent, and ihe agents were 
among the sufferers. The store of provisions was 
scanty, and all other stores nearly exhausted." 

In this gloomy state of affairs, Dr. Ayres 
determined to remove the Colonists, their pro- 
visions, sCores, &c. to Sierra Leone. The 
Society's agent, Mr. Wiltbergcr, opposed this 
project ; convinced that if the Colonists re- 
moved, the land purchased could not be reco- 
vered. At his instance the Colonists heroically 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



11 



rejected it, and determined to remain, in the 
hope of a melioration of their affairs. 

At this eventful period, to cheer the hopes 
and to revive the courage of the settlers, a 
vessel arrived from Baltimore, with a number 
of recaptured slaves, and thirty-seven free co- 
loured people, under the superintendance of 
the Rev. Mr. Aslimun; who, on landing 1 , 
found, to his great surprise, that the agents 
had returned to America, having left the co- 
lony under the care of a coloured man. 

The natives were brooding over, not only 
their discomfiture in the attack on the En- 
glish vessel, but on the very unwelcome deci- 
sion of Boatswain, of the controversy about 
the soil. As soon as he had retired, they be- 
gan to make preparations for an attack, in or- 
der to extirpate such formidable neighbours, 
before they had gamed sufficient strength to 
set them at defiance. The colonists were in 
a very indifferent state to meet the attack. 
" Of the native Americans, twenty-seven, 
when not sick, were able to bear arms, but 
were wholly untrained to their use, and capa- 
ble, in their present undisciplined state, of 
making but a very feeble defence. There 
were forty muskets in store, which, with re- 
pairing, were capable of being rendered ser- 
viceable. Of one brass, and five iron guns 
attached to the settlement, the former only 
was fit for service, and four of the latter re- 
quired carriages. Some of them had been 
nearly buried in the mud on the opposite side 
of the river. Not a good abattis or other 
fencework, had been completed. There was 
no fixed ammunition; nor, without great dif- 
ficulty and delay, was it possible to load the 
only gun which was provided with a sufficient 
carriage." 

The colonists, by means of " a spy in the 
enemy's camp," had information of all their 
plans of attack, and made all the preparation 
in their power to repel them. But their num- 
ber was small, having only thirty-five effec- 
tive men. Their defences were incomplete, 
and the most alarming feature in their affairs 
was, that the agent, the Rev. Mr. Ashman, 
a man of the most extraordinary zeal, ardour, 
and energy, was dangerously ill, confined fre- 
quently to his bed, and at tunes, rather deliri- 
ous, and wholly unable to attend to his duties. 
" From the middle of September till the first 
week in November, he continued in an ex- 
tremely low and dangerous state; so en- 
tirely debilitated in body and mind, as to be 
nearly incapable of motion, and insensible 
to every tiling, but the consciousness of suf- 
fering." 

The attack was made on the 8th of No- 
vember, 1822, by a force of above eight hun- 
dred men. In consequence of the sickness 
of the agent, and his inability to enforce his 
orders personally, one pass had been neglected 
to be properly defended. There, the enemy 
found an entrance, and captured one of the 



guns ; which, very fortunately, they knew not 
how to manage. At this awful crisis, when 
total destruction seemed inevitable, the colo- 
nists were saved by the want of discipline of 
the assailants. They had captured four 
houses, and betook themselves to plunder 
them, whereby they got into confusion, and 
afforded the colonists time to rally. Had the 
enemy availed themselves of their first suc- 
cess, resistance, on the part of the besieged, 
would have been in vain. But the latter hav- 
ing recovered from their surprise, recaptured 
the gun, and turned it on the enemy, among 
whom, as they were wedged in a solid mass, 
it made a horrible havoc. They lost sixty or 
eighty men, and fled in utter confusion. The 
loss of the colonists was nearly in the same 
proportion to their numbers. They had three 
men and one woman killed; two men and 
two women severely wounded ; and lour chil- 
dren captured. , 

Although thus completely discomfited, the 
natives did not abandon their design of ex- 
terminating the colony. They determined 
to renew the attack with additional forces, 
collecting auxiliaries from as many of the 
neighbouring tribes as they could induce to 
unite with them. The colonists, on their side, 
were equally on the alert, and made incredi- 
ble exertions to prepare for repelling the as- 
sailants. They reduced the extent of their 
works, and thus rendered them more defen 
sible than they had been on the former at- 
tack. But the number of effective men was 
less, being only thirty. 

The attack was made on the 30th of No- 
vember, and incomparably better concerted 
than the former one. It took place almost 
simultaneously on three sides of the fortifica- 
tions. The assailants displayed a tact and 
skill that would have done credit to more ex- 
perienced warriors. But they were received 
with that bravery and determination which 
the danger of total destruction, in case of de- 
feat, was calculated to inspire, and were 
finally defeated with severe loss. The gar- 
rison had one man killed, and two badly 
wounded. The skill and talent, and energy 
of Mr. Ashmun, mainly secured the triumph. 
He received three buliets through his clothes, 
but was not wounded. 

The action continued an hour and a half, 
and was renewed three times, with the ut- 
most desperation. 

" There was, at this time, little surgical 
knowledge, less skill, and absolutely no in- 
struments — not a lancet nor probe in the 
settlement. Its little dispensary had no lack 
of James's powders, and stores of febrifuges , 
but for medicating broken bones, and ex- 
tracting fragments of pot metal and copper 
ship bolts from the shattered limbs of the 
colonists, there had been no provision what- 
ever. A dull penknife and a common razor 
were substituted in the place of the first, 



12 



LETTERS ON THE 



and a priming iron made to answer the pur- 
pose of the last." 

His Britannic majesty's schooner Driver, 
fortunately arrived in the harbour at this 
time, and the commander kindly offered his 
services as mediator, which were gladly ac- 
cepted by both paities, as they were equally 
tired of " the unprofitable contest." The na- 
tive princes signed an engagement " to ob- 
serve an unlimited truce with the colony, 
and submit all their differences to the arbi- 
tration of the governor of Sierra Leone." 

Since that period the colonists have not 
been molested. They are the objects of re- 
spect and veneration, and their friendship is 
sought after by all the petty kings in their 
neighbourhood. 

A regular form of government was adopted 
in 1824, which produced the happiest effects 
on the morals and manners of the colonists. 
In truth, this period may be stated as almost 
the commencement of the establishment — 
the four preceding years having been the 
reign of anarchy and confusion. 

Philadelphia, April 12, 1632. 

LETTER IV. 
Increase of the Coloured population. 

The dangers arising from the great in- 
crease of a caste in the nation, who are by 
immemorial custom or prejudice, the eradi- 
cation of which can scarcely be hoped for, 
cut off from all chance of amalgamation with 
their fellow beings of a different colour, are 
yearly augmenting by the natural horror of 
slavery, which is constantly gaining strength 
in the breasts of the slaves ; by the unceas- 
ing discussions in our papers, especially by 
those that recently took place in the legisla- 
ture of Virginia; and by the inflammatory 
publications, which are clandestinely spread 
among the slaves, in spite of the vigilance 
and denunciations of their masters. Circum- 
stances, too, are occasionally occurring, 
which tend to fan the flame; among which 
may be reckoned, the general manumission 
of the slaves in the royal colonies of Great 
Britain, and the steady persevering efforts, 
in and out of parliament in that kingdom, to 
procure a total emancipation in all the Bri- 
tish colonies. 

In the discussion of this subject, it is only 
necessary to cast a furtive glance at the 
scenes in St. Domingo, and more recently in 
Jamaica, and the various insurrections plan- 
ned and attempted in this country, to be sa- 
tisfied, that the subject has not hitherto at- 
tracted that consideration in general, to 
which it is entitled by its great magnitude 
and importance. Although there is, we hope 
and trust, no great danger of such insurrec- 
tionary attempts proving successful, yet they 
may, and in ail probability will, produce re- 
petitions of the horrible scenes which took 



place at Southampton, at which humanity 
shudders. 

On this view of the subject, it could 
scarcely have been anticipated, that the 
scheme proposed by the colonization Society, 
of removing such of the free people of co 
lour as are disposed to emigrate to the land 
of their fathers, and such slaves as are eman- 
cipated, on condition of removal to that land, 
and attbrding strong inducement to emanci- 
pation, of whose benign effects, we have re- 
cently seen so many instances, should have 
met with any opposition. It is, nevertheless, 
certain, that it has been violently opposed in 
two quarters, where it might have rationally 
been supposed likely to meet with most fa- 
vour, in South Carolina, and among some of 
the free blacks, of whom, the latter were for- 
merly decidedly in favour of the views of the 
Society. 

We shall, in the sequel, consider how 
far the actual very depressed situation and 
future prospects of the free coloured peo- 
ple, warrant their opposition to a scheme 
calculated to confer on them all the advan- 
tages and blessings of freedom and indepen- 
dence, from so many of which they are de- 
barred in this country. At present, we shall 
confine ourselves to the case of South Caro; 
lina. That state is by tar more particularly 
interested in the success of the scheme than 
any other, except perhaps Louisiana; as 
these are the only two states in which the- 
slave population exceeds that of the whites. 

Population of South Carolina. 

Whites Slaves. 

In 1760 131,181 107,094 
1830 257;878 315,565 
Thus it appears, that while the slaves 
very nearly trebled their numbers in forty 
years, the whites did not quite double theirs. 
The relative situation of the white and co- 
loured population east of the Blue Ridge, in 
Virginia, places this subject in a striking 
point of view. It appears that the latter have 
gained on the former in forty years, 106,1 76, 
being more than a fourth part of the number 
of whites at present in that part of the coun- 
try. To render this case more remarkable, 
it is to be observed, that during this period, 
the shipment of slaves from that portion of 
Virginia to the more southern states, has been 
carried to an enormous extent. 

Population East of the Blue Ridge. 
Total. Majority. 

Whites. Blacks. Whites. Blacks. 
In 1790 31 1,523 2S9,425 25,098 

1800 336,289 339,293 3,004 

1810 33-y"f>3 3^6.942 48,389 

1820 347,872 413,928 66,056 

1830 375,935 457,013 81,078 

The following table exhibits the increase 
of the free coloured people in the United 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



13 



States, from the year 1790, to the present 
time. 

In 1790 59,481 In 1820 233,530 
1800 110,073 1830 319,467 

1810 18(i,468 
A multiplication of nearly six fold in forty 
years, and above 33 per ct. in the last 10 years. 
Number of slaves at the different periods 
of taking the census. 

1790 697,697 1820 1,538,128 

1800 896,849 1830 2,011,320 

1810 1,191,364 

The disparity of increase of the white 
and coloured population in the rive original 
slave states, deserves attention. 

1790. Whites. Slaves. 

Maryland 208,650 103,036 

Virginia 442.127 292,627 

North Carolina 288 204 100,572 



South Carolina 


130,178 


107,094 


Georgia 


52,836 


29,264 




1,122,045 


632,593 


1830. 


Whites, 


Slaves. 


Maryland 


291,093 


102,878 


Virginia 


694,439 


469,724 


North Carolina 


472,433 


246,462 


South Carolina 


257,878 


315,665 


Georgia 


296,614 


217,407 



2,012,457 1,352,136 
It thus appears, that the whites, in forty 
years, increased only about eighty per cent., 
while the slaves increased one hundred and 
twelve. In North Carolina, the whites in- 
creased but sixty-four per cent., while the 
slaves increased one hundred and forty-five. 
The number of slaves in Maryland has 
slightly decreased, partly by manumissions, 
and partly by the shipment of slaves to the 
more southern states, both of which have 
taken place in that state, on a large scale. 
The free coloured population in 1790, was 
only 8,042 ; whereas, in 1830, it was 52,942. 
Table of the number of coloured people, 
free and slaves, in the United States, at the 
various periods of taking the census, together 
with a statement of the numbers that will 
be in the country every decennial census, 
till 1880, at the rate of increase that took 
place between 1 820 and 1830, viz. 35 per cent. 



1790 757,178 


1840 


3,145,552 


1800 1,006,922 


1850 


4,246,494 


1810 1,377,819 


1860 


5,732,768 


1820 1,771,558 


1870 


7,739,236 


1830 2,330,187 


1880 


10,446,968 



Wbat fearful presages arise in the mind, 
when we consider that in 1830, at the pre- 
sent rate of increase, the population of the 
U. S., then above 54,000,000, will embrace 
more than 10,000,000 of a distinct race, be- 
tween whom and the majority, cordiality 
can scarcely be expected ! What an admo- 
nitory lesson in favour of colonization ! 

Philadelphia, April 14, 1832. 



LETTER V. 
Expense of Passage. 

It remains to ascertain, as nearly as possi- 
ble, the expense of emigration. 

The passage is, at present, calculated at 
about twenty dollars, and the expense for 
the maintenance of each emigrant for six 
months, at about 15 dollars; making all to- 
gether, 35 dollars. 

But children from two to twelve years of 
age, are taken at half price, and below two 
years, free of charge ; allowing for a due pro- 
portion of children, thirty dollars would be 
a tolerably fair estimate for passage and sup- 
port. 

Moreover, when the situation of the co- 
lony becomes better known, and the preju- 
dices which have been industriously created 
against it, are done away, many emigrants 
will defray their own expenses; and many 
humane and charitable masters will, as has 
taken place already, pay the passage of their 
manumitted slaves. 

Again, for a long time to come, there will 
be, as there is at present, a great demand in 
the colony for labourers; and able-bodied 
men will, immediately on landing, be able 
to procure employment. In a former report it 
was stated, that of the whole number of emi- 
grants that arrived in one vessel, only seven 
were unemployed in twenty days. Consider- 
ing all these circumstances, we might be au- 
thorized to assume an average of twenty dol- 
lars for each ; but if we err at all, it is better 
to err on the safe side, and assume twenty- 
five. 

It appears that the annual increase is a lit- 
tle above 2\ per cent. In the first edition 
we erroneously assumed '3L 

Two and a half per cent, on the present 
number of coloured people in the United 
States, probably 2,400,000, amounts to 60,000 
annually. Supposing the object to be the 
prevention of any increase, and that there- 
fore provision would have to be made for 
the conveyance of 60,000 annually, at 25 dol- 
lars each, the expense would be $1,500,000. 

This sum is large, and would require con- 
siderable sacrifices. But was any grand ob- 
ject ever attained without great sacrifices 1 
We were, when in a comparatively feeble 
state, able to raise $100,000,000 in a year 
and a half, for the support of a war. Our 
revenue has been, for years, 'from 20 to 
$25,000,001), and the national debt is nearly 
paid off. The direct tax,pf the state of Penn- 
sylvania in the year 1815, was $730,968, 
and that of Virginia, $738,036, which were 
paid without any oppression of the citizens 
of either. And surely, if reason and com- 
mon sense have fair play, it will not be diffi- 
cult to procure an amendment of the consti- 
tution, (if such an amendment be necessary, 
which is doubted by many of our citizens) by 
three-fourths of the states, allowing the ap- 



II 



LETTERS ON THE 



propriation of a sum necessary for the pur- 
pose ; and never did a nation make a more 
useful appropriation. 

Tliere are thirteen non-slaveholding states. 
There can be no doubt that these would ra- 
tify such an amendment; and from the pre- 
valence of the conviction in .Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, and North Carolina, of the dangers 
that menace the country from this source, 
their immediate concurrence might be cal- 
culated on: and the consent of two more 
would probably be had in a year or two, as 
the subject came to be more fully discussed, 
and of consequence, better understood. 

Philadelphia, April 15, 1832. 



LETTER VI. 

Manumissions, with a vieto of sending the 

emancipated slaves to Liberia. 

Among the most promising and encourag- 
ing circumstances attending the career of 
this society, are the numerous manumissions 
that .have taken place in almost all the slave 
states, on the express condition of the freed 
people being sent to Liberia. 

These manumissions have occurred on a 
scale that the most sanguine friends of the 
scheme could not have anticipated. Entire 
families have been blest with their freedom, 
from the most pure motives, a conviction of 
the immorality and injustice of slavery — and 
in many cases ample provision has been 
made for the expense of their passage, and 
in some, for their support in Liberia. They 
have been thus released from the debase- 
ment and degradation of slavery, and sent 
to the land of their fathers, to partake of all 
the happsness that freedom and the certainty 
of enjoying all the fruits of their labour, can 
inspire. 

It would be endless to enumerate the cases 
of this kind that have occurred. ' Some of 
them must be recorded, that the acts and the 
names of the parties, where known, may 
have the applause to which they are entitled, 
and, what is of more consequence, that they 
may serve as stimuli to others, to follow the 
noble example. 

A lady, near Charlestown, Va. liberated 
all her slaves, ten in number, to be sent to 
Liberia ; and moreover purchased two, whose 
families were among her slaves. P'or the 
one she gave $450, and for the other $350. 

The late Wm. Fitzhugh, bequeathed their 
freedom to all his slaves, after a certain fixed 
period, and ordered that their expenses should 
be paid to whatsoever place they should 
think proper to go. And, " as an encourage- 
ment to them to emigrate to the American 
colony on the coast of Africa, where," adds 
the will, "I believe their happiness will be 
more permanently secured, I desire not only 
that the expenses of their emigration be paid, 
but that the sum of fifty dollars be paid to 



each one so emigrating, on his or her arrival 
in Africa." 

David Shriver, of Frederick co. Maryland, 
ordered by his will, that all his slaves, thirty 
in number, should be emancipated, and that 
proper provision should be made for the com- 
fortable support of the infirm and aged, and 
for the instruction of the young in reading, 
writing, and arithmetic, and in some art or 
trade, by which they might acquire the 
means of support, i 

Col. Smith, an old revolutionary officer, of 
Sussex county, Va. ordered in his will, that 
all his slaves, seventy or eighty in number, 
should be emancipated; and bequeathed above 
$5000 to defray the expense of transporting 
them to Liberia. 

Patsey Morris, of Louisa co., Va. directed 
by will, that all her slaves, sixteen in num- 
ber, should be emancipated, and left $500 to 
fit them out, and defra}' the expense of their 
passage. 

The schooner Randolph, which sailed 
from Georgetown, S. C, had on board 26 
slaves, liberated by a benevolent individual 
near Cheraw. 

Of 105 emigrants, who sailed in the brig 
Doris, from Baltimore and Norfolk, 62 were, 
emancipated on condition of being conveyed 
to Liberia. 

Sampson David, late a member of the le- 
gislature of Tennessee, provided by will, that 
all his slaves, 22 in number, who are mostly 
young, should be liberated in 1840, or sooner, 
at his wife's decease, if she died before that 
period. 

Herbert B. Elder, of Petersburg, Va. be- 
queathed their freedom to all his slaves, 
twenty in number, with directions that they 
should be conveyed ■ to Liberia, by the first 
opportunity. 

A gentleman in Georgia, has recently left 
49 slaves free, on condition of their removal 
to Liberia. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Morris, of Bourbon co. Va., 
provided by will for the emancipation of her 
slaves, about forty in number. 

David Patterson, of Orange co. N. C, freed 
eleven slaves, to be sent to Liberia. 

Rev. Fletcher Andrew, gave freedom to 
twenty, who constituted most of his property, 
for the same purpose. 

Nathaniel Crenshaw, near Richmond, li- 
berated sixty slaves, with a view to have 
them sent to Liberia. 

Rev. Robert Cox, Suffolk co. Va., provided 
by his will for the emancipation of all his 
slaves, upwards of thirty, and left several hun- 
dred dollars to pay their passage to Liberia. 

Joseph Leonard Smith, of Frederic co. 
Md., liberated twelve slaves, who sailed from 
Baltimore lor Liberia. 

Of 107 coloured persons who sailed in the 
Carolinian, from Norfolk for Liberia, 45 were 
emancipated on condition of being sent there. 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



J5 



In the brig Criterion, which sailed from 
Norfolk for Liberia, on the 2d August 1831, 
there were forty-six persons who had been 
liberated, on condition of proceeding to Li- 
beria ; 18 by Mrs. Greenfield, near Natchez ; 
8 by Mr. Williams, of Elizabeth city, N. C. ; 
7 by Gen. Jacocks, of Perquimans, Ohio ; 
4 by Thomas Davis, Montgomery co. Miss. ; 
2 by two other individuals; and 5 by some 
of the Quakers in North Carolina. Of 
those liberated slaves, 2 only were above 
40 years of age, 31 were under 35, and 22 
under 20. 

A gentleman in N. C. last year, gave free- 
dom to all his slaves, 14 in number, and pro- 
vided 20 dollars each, to pay their passage 
to Liberia. 

Mrs. J. of Mercer co. Kentucky, and her 
two sons, one a clergyman, and the other a 
physician, lately offered the Colonization 
Society sixty slaves, to be conveyed to Li- 
beria. 

Henry Robertson, of Hampton, Va., be- 
queathed their freedom to seven slaves, and 
fifty dollars to each, to aid in their removal 
to Liberia. 

William Fletcher, of Perquimans, N. C.', 
ordered by will, that his slaves, twelve in 
number, should be hired out for a year after 
his death, to earn wherewith to pay for their 
conveyance to Liberia. 

'A gentleman in Kentucky, lately wrote to 
the secretary of the Society, " I will wil- 
lingly give up twelve or fifteen of my co- 
loured people at this time ; and so on gradu- 
ally, fill the whole, about sixty, are given 
up, if means for their passage can be af- 
forded." 

On board the Harriet, from Norfolk, of 
one hundred and sixty emigrants, between 
forty and fifty had been slaves, emancipated 
on condition of being sent to Africa. 

In addition to these instances, several 
others might be added, particularly that of 
Richard Bibb, Esq. of Kentucky, who pro- 
poses to send sixty slaves to Liberia — two 
gentlemen in Missouri, who desire to send 
eleven slaves — a lady in Kentucky offers 40 
— the Rev. John C. Burress, of Alabama, in- 
tends preparing all his slaves for coloniza- 
tion — the Rev. William L. Breckenridge, of 
Kentucky, manumitted 11 slaves, who sailed 
a few weeks ago from New Orleans. 

In this work of benevolence, the society 
of Friends, as in so many other cases, have 
nobly distinguished themselves, and assumed 
a prominent attitude. They have, in North 
Carolina, liberated no less than 652 slaves, 
whom they had under their care, besides, as 
says my authority, an unknown number of 
children, husbands and wives, connected 
with them by consanguinity, and of whom, 
part went to Canada, part to Liberia, part to 
Hayti, and a portion to Ohio. In the perform- 
ance of these acts of benevolence, they ex- 



pended $12,759. They had remaining under 
their care, in December 1830, 402 slaves, 
for whom similar arrangements were to be 
made. 

It holds out every encouragement to the 
Colonization Society, that the applications 
for the transportation of free negroes, and 
slaves proposed to be emancipated on condi- 
tion of removal to . Liberia, far exceed its 
means. There are, in North Carolina and 
the adjacent states, from three to tour thou- 
sand of both descriptions, ready to embark, 
were the Society in a situation to send them 
away. 

Philadelphia, April 17, 1832. 



LETTER VII. 

Progress of Liberia. — Inauspicious com- 
mencement in Massachusetts, Virginia, 
and North Carolina. 

A brief comparison of the progress made 
in Liberia, with the colonization of Massa- 
chusetts, Virginia, and North Carolina, will 
place the first on high ground, and dispel 
the doubts of the most sceptical, as to the ul- 
timate success of this magnificent and be- 
nignant undertaking, if it receive a due de- 
gree of support. Let it be observed, that the 
society never made any calculation on being 
able to accomplish the mighty object of their 
enterprise by private resources alone. That 
would have been extravagant folly. The 
success must, they well knew, ultimately de- 
pend on the patronage of the general and 
state governments, united. This patronage 
they fondly hope to obtain, as soon as the 
prejudices that have been created against 
this enterprise, have been dissipated. The 
society has done its duty in proving the prac- 
ticability of the scheme, and will steadily 
continue its exertions on a scale proportioned 
to the means placed at its disposal. Furthei 
than this it never promised. 

The first expedition to Liberia, took place 
in 1820 ; but the colonists, as has been al- 
ready stated, met with so many difficulties 
and embarrassments at the commencement, 
that it was not until the year 1824, that or- 
der or srood government was established. 
All that" has been accomplished worth no- 
tice has, therefore, taken place within the 
last eight years. What, then, is the state of 
the case"? 

There are now above 2000 souls settled, 
contented, happy, and prosperous ; enjoying 
all the apparatus of a regular government; 
an improving agriculture; a prosperous and 
increasing commerce; settlements rapidly 
extending; a large territory, possessed of ex- 
traordinary advantages of soil, climate, and 
situation for commerce, fairly and honoura- 
bly purchased, about one hundred and fifty 



K 



LETTERS ON TIIE 



miles on the coast, and extending into the 
interior of the country thirty or forty miles; 
several slave factories destroyed, and the 
slaves liberated ; the slave trade abolished 
for about 40 miles above and below the co- 
lony ; the circumjacent aboriginals tranquil- 
izer, regarding the settlers with reverence, 
and looking up to them for protection from 
the ferocious violence of those hostes humani 
generis, the slave traders ; the attacks of a 
host of confederated petty kings repelled 
in 1822, in the very infancy of the colony, 
and in its most feeble state ; education care- 
fully attended to; the children of the natives 
sent in for instruction to the schools of the 
colonists; morals and religion flourishing. In 
a word, the most sanguine expectations of 
the founders of the colony more than real- 
ized, at this very early stage of its existence. 
It may be doubted whether any colony ever 
throve more, and few, so completely, in so 
short a space of time. 

One feature in this colony most honoura- 
bly distinguishes it from almost every other 
colony, established in ancient or modern 
times. Of all other colonies, the founders 
were impelled by a desire of conquest; a 
thirst of aggrandizement, or of the acquisi- 
tion of wealth. With no such views, were 
the founders of Liberia actuated. Pure be- 
nevolence alone, inspired the illustrious 
men, the Finleys, the Thorntons, the Wasli- 
ingtons, the Mercers, the Ashmuns, the 
Cald wells, the Meades, theGurleys,who pro- 
jected or aided in the formation of the so- 
ciety. The ben&fit of the colonists, and the 
peace and happiness of this country, were 
the objects. For the attainment of those im- 
portant objects, they devoted their time, and 
their substance, and have patiently endured 
the scoffs, and ridicule, and scorn, to which 
their grand enterprise, in common with all 
other great and novel undertakings, was sub- 
jected. 

Let us now cast an eye on the early re- 
sults of the attempts at the colonization of 
Massachusetts, Virginia, and North Caro- 
lina. 

The pilgrims who commenced the settle- 
ment of Massachusetts, landed in December, 
1620, 'M the number of 120; and so ill were 
they provided with provisions and clothing', 
and so inclement was the season, that about 
fifty of them perished in the course of the 
winter and the ensuing spring.* And, al- 
though they received frequent reinforce- 
ments, there remained but three hundred 
in the year 1030, one half of the whole num- 
ber having perished in the severe winter of 
1629-t 

What a striking contrast Liberia exhibits! 
How exhilarating and encouraging to its 

* Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. I. page 49. 

* Idem, page 102. 



friends, and how useful a lesson does it hold 
out to its enemies, to cease their opposition ! 

But inauspicious as the incipient opera- 
tions were in Massachusetts, the result was 
far worse for 21 years in Virginia. The first 
attempt at a settlement took place in 1585, 
and was succeeded for years by several nu- 
merous reinforcements, which, in a great 
measure, fell victims to their own irregulari- 
ties, or to the hostile attacks of the Indians, 
whom those irregularities provoked. In 1610, 
the heroic Smith, the father of the colony, 
brought out a strong reinforcement, and re- 
turned home for further supplies of men 
provisions, arms, and ammunition, leaving 
the colony, as he supposed, secure against 
any contingency, however adverse, whether 
from the severity of the weather, or the as- 
saults of the Indians. But all his calcula- 
tions were miserably defeated by the worth- 
lessness, extreme insubordination, and licen- 
tiousness of the colonists. 

" Smith left the colony furnished with three ships 
good fortifications, twenty-five pieces of cannon, 
arms, ammunition, apparel, commodities for tra- 
ding, and tools for all kinds of labour. At James' 
Town there were nearly sixty houses. The settlers 
had begun to plant, and to fortify at five or six other 
places. The number of inhabitants was nearly five 
hundred. They had just gathered in their Indian 
harvest, and, besides, had considerable provision in 
their stores. They had between five and six hun- 
dred hogs, an equal number of fowls, some goats, 
and some sheep. They had also boats, net.*, and 
good accommodations for fishing. But such was the 
sedition, idleness, and dissipation of this mad people, 
that they were soon reduced to the most miserable 
circumstances. No sooner was Captain Smith gone, 
than the savages, provoked by their dissolute prac- 
tices, and encouraged by their want of govern- 
ment, revolted, hunted and slew them from place 
to place. Nansemond, the plantation at the falls, 
and all the out-settlements were abandoned. In a 
short time, nearly forty of the company were cut 
off by the enemy. Their time and provisions were 
ciiiis mned in riot; their utensils were stolen or de- 
stroyed ; their hogs, sheep, and fowls killed and car- 
ried off by the Indians. The sword without, and fa- 
mine and sickness within, soon made among them 
surprising destruction. Within the term of six 
months, of their whole number, sixty only survived. 
These were mostly poor, famishing wretches, sub- 
sisting chiefly on herbs, acorns, and berries. Such 
was the famine, that they fed on the skins of theii 
dead horses; nav. they boiled and ate tho flesh of 
the dead. Indeed, they were reduced to such ex- 
. that had they not been relieved, the whole 
colony, in eight or ten days, would have been ex- 
tinct." Sueh are tlie dire ellects of idleness, faction, 
and want of proper subordination."* 

All the difficulties and disasters that have 
occurred in Liberia, from the commencement 
of the settlement till the present time, fa,ll 
far short of a tithe of the calamities which 
befel the settlers in Virginia in six months. 

We have not as many details of the disas- 
ters in North Carolina. Williamson, its his- 
torian, is very brief on the subject ; but he 
tells enough to prove that similar disorders, 
and similar disasters took place there. The 

* Holmes's Annals, Vol I. page 60. 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



17 



colony was commenced in 1668; and in 
1694, " the list of taxables was only 787, be- 
ing little more than half the number that 
were there in 1677," seventeen years before 
" Such," says the writer, " were the baneful 
effects of rapine, anarchy, and idleness."* 
Philadelphia, April 18, 1832. 



LETTER VIII. 
Legislative and ecclesiastical proceedings 
in favour of Colonization, and of the So- 
ciety. — Connecticut, New Jersey, Ken- 
tucky, Delaware, Massachusetts, Tennes- 
see, Indiana, Pennsylvania, Muryland,<Src. 
— Synod of Ulica. — General Assembly of 
the Presbyterian Church. — Methodist E. 
Conference, fyc. tyc. 

The Colonization Society has, by perse- 
verance, and by the intrinsic merit of its 
views, at length " won golden opinions" from 
the greater part of the nation. The legisla- 
tures of fourteen states, New Hampshire, 
Vermont, Connecticut, New York, New Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, 
Virginia, Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky, 
Ohio, and Indiana, have passed resolutions 
distinctly recommending the scheme of co- 
lonizing the free coloured population, and 
most of them approving of the objects of the 
Society. Eleven of those states have in- 
structed their senators, and requested their 
representatives in Congress, to promote, in 
the general government, measures for re- 
moving such free persons of colour as are 
desirous of emigrating to Africa. And 
" nearly all the ecclesiastical bodies in the 
United States have, by resolutions, fully ex- 
pressed their opinion, that the Society me- 
rits the consideration and favour of the whole 
Christian community, and earnestly recom- 
mend it to their patronage." It would ex- 
tend this letter too far, to enumerate the 
various testimonials of individuals and public 
bodies in this country and in Europe, in fa- 
vour of the Society. From Great Britain, 
they have been of the most flattering charac- 
ter, accompanied by liberal donations. The 
Society of Friends, in England, sent £2000 
sterling to their brethren in North Carolina, 
to aid the cause of emigration. I annex some 
specimens : 

LEGISLATURES. 

Resolution of the Legislature of Tennessee, 1818. 

" Resolved, by the general assembly of the state 
of Tennessee, That the senators in congress from 
this state be, and they are hereby requested and 
instructed ; and that the representatives be, and 
they are hereby requested, to give to the govern- 
ment of the United States any aid in their power, in 
devising and carrying into effect a plan which may 
have for its object the colonizing, in some distant 
country, the free people of colour who are within 

* Williamson's History of North Carolina, Vol. I. 
page 144. 



the limits of the United States, or within the limits 
of any of their territories." 

Resolution of the Legislature of Maryland, 1819. 

" Resolved unanimously, That the governor be 
requested to communicate to the President of the 
United States, and to our senators and representa- 
tives in Congress, the opinion of the general assem- 
bly, that a wise and provident policy suggests the 
expediency, on the part of our national government, 
of procuring through negociation, by cession or pur- 
chase, a tract of country on the western coast of 
Africa, for the colonization of the free people of co- 
lour of the United States." 

Resolve of the Legislature of Connecticut, 1824. 

" Resolved, That the existence of slavery in the 
United States is a great national evil, and that the 
people and the States ought to participate in the 
burdens and duties of removing it,, by all just and 
prudent measures, which maybe adopted with a re- 
gard to their internal peace and mutual harmony: 
and that a system of colonization, under the patron- 
age of the general government, may reasonably 
be deemed conducive to so desirable an object." 

Resolve of the Legislature of New Jersey, 1825. 

" Resolved, That in the opinion of this legislature, 
a system of foreign colonization, with correspondent 
measures, might be adopted, that would, in due 
time, effect the entire emancipation of slaves in this 
country, and furnish an asylum for the free blacks, 
without any violation of the national compact, or in- 
fringement of the rights of individuals ; and that 
such a system should be predicated upon the prin- 
ciple, that the evil of slavery is a national one, and 
that the people and the States of this union, ought 
mutually to participate in the duties and burdens of ' 
removing it" 

Of the Legislature of Delaware. 

" Resolved by the senate and house of representa- 
tives of the state of Delaware, in general assembly 
met, That it is requisite for our prosperity, and, what 
is of more important concern, essential to our safe- 
ty, that measures should be taken, for the removal 
from this country, of the free negroes and mu- 
lattoes. 

" Resolved, That this general assembly approve 
the objects of* the American Colonization Society, 
and consider that those objects deserve public sup- 
port, and that they ought to be fostered and encou- 
raged by the national government, and with the 
national funds." 

Resolve of the Legislature of Kentucky, 1827. 
" Resolved by the general assembly of the com 
mon wealth of Kentucky, That they view with deep 
and friendly interest, the exertions of the American 
Colonization Society, in establishing an asylum on 
the coast of Africa, for the free people of colour of 
the United Stales ; and that the senators and repre- 
sentatives in Congress from this state be, and they 
are hereby requested, to use their efforts to facilitate 
the removal of such free persons of colour as may 
desire to emigrate from the United States to the co- 
lony in Africa, and to insure to them the protection 
and patronage of the general government, so far as 
shall be deemed consistent with the safety and in- 
terest of the United States." 

Resolution of the Senate of Pennsylvania, 1829. 

"Be it resolved by the senate and house of repre- 
sentatives of Pennsvlvania, in general assembly 
met, That in the opinion of this general assembly, 
the American Colonization Society eminently de- 
mands the support of the national government, and 
that our senators be directed, and that the repre- 
sentatives in congress be requested to aid the same 
by all proper and constitutional means." 



18 



LETTERS ON THE 



Resolution of the Stale of Indiana, 1829. 

" Be it resolved by the general assembly of the 
state of Indiana, That our senators and representa- 
tives in congress be, and they are hereby requested, 
in the name of the state of Indiana, to solicit the 
assistance of the general government to aid the 
laudable designs of the Colonization Society, in 
such manner as Congress, in its wisdom, may deem 
expedient." 

General Assembly of the State of Ohio. 

" Resolved by the general assembly of the state of 
of Ohio, Tiiat our senators in Congress be instructed, 
and our representatives be requested, to use their 
efforts to induce the government of the United 
States to aid the American Colonization Society, in 
effecting the object of their institution, winch is so 
eminently calculated to advance the honour and 
interest of our common country-" 

Jouisiana Legislature. 
fecently presented to this body, pro- 
posing the appointment of a joint committee, to take 
into consideration, the expediency of promoting the 
emig-ation of free people of colour from that slate 
to Liberia, was adopted by a vote of twenty-two 
against eleven. 

Resolution of the Legislature of Massachusetts. 

"Resolved, That the legislature of Massachusetts 
view with great interest,the efforts made by the Ame- 
rican Colonization Society, in establishing an asylum 
on the coast of Africa tor the free people of colour 
of the United States ; and that in the opinion of this 
legislature, it is a subject eminently deserving the 
attention and aid of congress, so far as shall be con- 
sistent with the powers of Congress, the rights of 
the several states of the union, and the rights of the 
individuals who arc the objects of those efforts." 
Resolutions of the Legislature of the State of New 
York, in the Senate, en the 13th of April, 1832. 

" Mr. Tallmadge, from the select committee, to 
which was referred the memorials of the State Co- 
lonization Society, and of Wm. A. Duer and others 
of the city of New York, reported the following 
resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : 

" Resolved, That the senate applaud the motives, 
and approve the objects of the American Colo- 
nization Society, and have full confidence in the 
fidelity, discretion, and ability of its executive of- 
ficers. 

" Resolved, That as the said society proposes to 
remove or mitigate existing evils, and prevent or 
diminish apprehended dangers, it deserves the 
confidence and encouragement of the American 
people. 

" Resolved, That the senate commend the said so- 
ciety to the consideration and patronage of the citi- 
zens of this stale. 

"Resolved, That these resolutions be transmitted 
to the honourable the assembly lor their considera- 
tion." 

The resolutions passed the house of assembly 
with hardly a dissenting voice. 

ECCLESIASTICAL BODIES. 
Resolution of the General Assembh/ of the Presftyte- 

rian church of Pennsylvania, held in Philadelphia, 

June, 1818. 

" We recommend to all our people to patronize 
and encourage the Society lately formed for colo- 
nizing in Africa, the land of their ancestors, the peo- 
ple iff colour in our country. We hope that much 
good may result from the plans and efforts of this 
society. And while we exceedingly rejoice to have 
witnessed its origin and organization among :he 
HOLDERS OK SLAVES, as giving an unequivocal 
pledgo of their desire to liberate themselves and 
their country from the calamity of slavery, we hope 
that those portions of the American union, whose 
inhabitants are, by a gracious Providence, more fa- 



vourably circumstanced, will cordially, and libe- 
rally, and earnestly co-operate with their brethren, 
in bunging about the great end contemplated." 

Extract from the Journal of the Convention of the 
Protestant Episcopal church, huUlen at Petersburg, 
on the 13th May, 1819. 

" Resolved, That this convention highly approve 
of the objects of the American Colonization Society ; 
and that a committee be appointed to transmit to 
the president of the Society, a copy of this resolu- 
tion, and to assure him of the good wishes and pray- 
ers of the committee in behalf of the benevolent ex- 
ertions of the Society." 

Resolution of the General Assembly of the Presbyte- 
nun church. — Session of the Assembly, May 31st, 
1819. 

-The objects and plans of the American Society 
for colonizing the free people of colour of the Uni- 
ted States, having been stated to the general assem- 
bly, and the same having been considered and dis- 
cussed, the assembly resolved, That in their opin- 
ion, the plan of the Society is benevolent in its de- 
sign, and, if properly supported and judiciously and 
vigorously prosecuted, calculated to be extensively 
useful to this country and to Africa. The situation 
of the people of colour, has frequently attracted the 
attention of this assembly. In the distinctive ana 
indelible marks of their colour, and the prejudices 
of the people, an insurmountable bar has been 
placed against the execution of any plan for the ele- 
vating their character, and placing them on a foot- 
ni2' with their brethren of the same common family 
In restoring them to the land of their fathers, the 
assembly hope the way may be opened, not only for 
the accomplishment of that object, but for introdu- 
cing civilization and the gospel to the benighted na- 
tions of Africa. From the information and state- 
ments received, the assembly believe, that the pro- 
posed colony in Africa may be made a powerful 
auxiliary, in the efforts which are now making to 
abolish the iniquitous traffic in slaves, carried on in 
Africa, and happily calculated to lay the foundation 
for the gradual emancipation of slaves in this coun- 
try, in a legal and constitutional manner, and without 
violating the rights, or injuring the feelings of our 
southern brethren. 

"With these views, the assembly feel it a duty 
earnestly to recommend the American Society for 
colonizing the free people of colour of the United 
States to the patronage and attention of the churches 
under their care, and to benevolent individuals 
throughout the union." 

Extract from the minutes of the Presbytery of Fay- 
etU mile, N. G, Monday, llth Oct,bcr,'l?\'\ 
" Resolved, That the presbytery do heartily ap 
prove of the object proposed by the American So- 
ciety for colonizing the free people of colour of the 
United States ; and that they do sincerely wish, and 
fervently pray, that the said society mav meet w ith 
the most abundant and speedy success.'' 
At a meeting of the Synod of Virginia, in Winches- 
ter, on the 23rf Octo/n r, 1819, the following resolu- 
tion was unanimously adopted. 
"Whereas, the synod of Virginia are informed of 
the existence in our country, of an association of- in- 
telligent aiul patriotic citizens, under the titleof the 
American Colonization Society, the object of which 
is, to send out to Africa, such free persons of colour 
as may be willing to go : and, whereas, there is rea- 
son to" hope that this enterprise, if conducted with 
proper discretion, will produce the happiest effects, 
particularly in aiding to communicate the glad ti- 
dings of the gospel to an interesting quarter of the 
globe ; and to meliorate the condition of a degraded 
portion of our population; while it promises the 
means of alleviating evils which our own country 
has reason to deplore. 
" Resolved unanimously, That the synod of V'ir- 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



19 



ginia do recommend, and they do hereby cordially 
recommend to all the members of the churches and 
congregations under their care, to aid the design 
of the said -Society according to opportunity and 
ability, by their countenance, their contributions, 
and their prayers to Almighty God lor its success." 

At an annual meeting of the Convention of the Con- 
gregational clergy of Connecticut, at Hartford, 

May 2d, 1827 : 

•' Resolved, That this Convention does cheerfully 
recommend the American Colonization Society, to 
the charitable consideration of the Congregational 
churches in this state, as an institution worthy of 
the patronage of individuals, of the states, and of the 
nation. 

"Resolved, That this convention cordially ap- 
proves of the measures proposed by several ecclesi- 
astical bodies in our country, of making collections 
in the churches, for the American Colonization So- 
ciety, on the Sabbath immediately preceding or suc- 
ceeding the 4th of July, and that they recommend 
such annual collections to churches and congrega- 
tions in this state." 
Extract from the Minutes of the Baptist General 

Convention of the State of Ohio, May 28, 1827. 

" Resolved, That this convention highly approve 
of the objects of the Colonization Society, and that 
we recommend to our ministers and brethren gen- 
erally, to use their influence to advance its inter- 
ests." 

Ohio Methodist Conference. 

" At a special meeting of the Ohio Local District 
Conference of the Methodist Episcopal church, held 
June 18th, 1827: 

"Resolved, That this conference cordially ap- 
prove the benevolent objects of the American Colo- 
nization Society, and that all the preachers within 
its jurisdiction be, and they are hereBy earnestly re- 
quested to deliver public addresses, and to take up 
public collections, in support of the colonization 
cause, on the 4th day of July, annually, or on the 
Sabbath immediately preceding or succeeding that 
day, wherever it may be found practicable." 
Resolution of the Lutheran Synod. 

At a meeting of the Evangelical Lutheran church, 
of West Pennsylvania, Mifflin, Sept 30, 1827, the 
synod, 

"Resolved, That this synod highly approve of 
the institution and proceedings of the American 
Colonization Society, and most earnestly recommend 
its interests and advancement to the prayers and' 
patronage of all the churches under their care." 
Resolulio?is of the General Conference of the Metho- 
dist Episcopal church, May, 1828. 

"Resolved, 1st. That this conference highly ap- 
prove of the objects proposed, and the measures 
taken by the American Colonization Society, in re- 
ference'to the colonization of the free people of co- 
lour on the coast of Africa. 

"2d. That mis conference look to the settlement 
of Liberia, as opening a door for the diffusion of all 
the benign influences of the gospel, over the conti- 
nent of Africa ; and therefore recommend it to our 
ministers and members, to aid, bv their exertions 
and influence, in the formation and support of aux- 
iliary societies, and the making annual collections 
to aid in carrying into effect the benevolent designs 
of the parent institution." 

Resolution of the Synod of Utica, N. Y. 1829. 

" Resolved, That all clergymen within the bounds 
of this synod be, and they hereby are, most ear- 
nestly requested, to take up collections and sub- 
scriptions yearly, on or near the fourth of July, as 
a proper mode of aiding the funds of the Coloniza- 
tion Society ; and that, as far as practicable, they 
enable their people to understand the history, de- 
sign, progress, and prospects of the Society." 



Resolution of the General Assembly of the Presbyle 
rian church, 1830. 

" Resolved, That it be recommended to all the 
churches under the care of the general assembly, to 
take up collections for the Colonization Society, on 
the next 4th of July." 

Resolution of the Philadelphia Conference of the 
Methodist Episcopal church, 1831. 

" Resolved, That the Conference highly approv- 
ing of the plan and purposes of the American Colo- 
nization Society, do recommend that collections be 
taken up throughout the churches within our 
bounds, so far as is practicable, on the 4th of July 
next, in aid of the funds of the above Society." 
From the General Synod of the Dutch Reformed 
church. 

" Resolved, That this synod cheerfully recom- 
mend to the patronage of the churches under their 
care, the American Colonization Society. 

" Resolved, That whenever meetings shall be 
held on the 4th of July, it be earnestly recommended 
to have collections made hi behalf of this insti- 
tution." 

Resolution of the Baltimore Methodist Annual Con- 
ference. 

" Resolved, by the Baltimore annual conference, 
in conference assembled, That we highly approve 
the objects of the American Colonization Society, 
and that we will use all prudent means to promote 
its success, by taking up collections in aid of its 
funds, on the Sabbath preceding or succeeding the 
4th of July, in all places where it is practicable ." 
Resolution of the New York Methodist Annual Con- 
ference. 

" Resolved, That each preacher in charge, be ad- 
vised, with the consent of the official members, to 
take up a collection ;n one or more of the principal 
congregations of his circuit or station, in behalf of 
the Colonization Society, on the 4th of July next, or 
on the Sabbath immediately preceding or succeed- 
ing that day." 

The following resolution was passed, at the late ses- 
sion of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian 

Church, May 1832. 

" Whereas, it is the opinion of tins body, that Afri- 
can colonization is eminently calculated to benefit 
a long-persecuted and deeply-injured race, by fur- 
nishing to the free people of colour an opportunity 
to escape from the oppression which they suffer in 
this country — by removing the obstacles to the vo- 
luntary emancipation of she slaves ; and especially 
by the facilities it affords for suppressing the horrid 
traffic in human flesh on the coast of Africa, and 
for the introduction of Christianity and civilization 
into that benighted comment. Therefore, 

"Resolved, That it be earnestly recommended to 
the pastors of all the churches under the care of the 
General Assembly, to bring the claims of the Ame- 
rican Colonization Society before their respective 
congregations ; and that it be recommended to the 
churches, to take up collections in aid of its funds 
on the 4th of July, or some Sabbath near it." 

GRAND JURY. 

Resolutions of the Grand Jury in Ross county, Ohio, 
March. 1827. 

"Whereas, the benevolent scheme to colonize 
the free people of colour on the continent of Africa, 
merits the decided concurrence and entire appro- 
bation of the members which compose the grand 
jury : 

"Therefore resolved, That we, the members of 
this grand jury, do hereby concur in the great and 
benevolent plan, instituted by the American Colo- 
nization Society at Washington city, for the purpose 
of colonizing the free people of colour on the con- 
tinent of Africa; and do recommend it to the pa- 
tronage of the good people of this county." 



20 



LETTERS ON THE ' 



LETTER IX. 
Situation of the Colonists in Liberia. — Soil, 
and Climate. — Productions and Com- 
merce. — Morals and Manners. — Testi- 
mony of a Committee in Monrovia, — Of 
Captain Nicholson. 

THEsubjectsdiscussed in thisletter,areof 
paramount importance. Whatever consider- 
ations of policy, in regard to this country, 
might plead in favour of the scheme of colo- 
nization, it would not have the sanction of 
the friends of mankind, of those who com- 
miserate the depressed condition of the co- 
loured population of the United States, if 
the situation of the emigrants were not ma- 
nifestly improved. To place this vital point 
on a basis as firm as the rock of Gibraltar, I 
have collected what may be regarded as a 
superfluity of testimony; as that of any one of 
the parties would be sufficient tc remove all 
doubts from the minds of all persons open to 
conviction. But it seemed right, in such a 
case, " to make assurance doubly sure." 

Of a circular, forwarded by a committee of 
the inhabitants of Monrovia, to their brethren 
in the United States, dated September 1827, 
the following is the substance : 

EXTRACT. 

"As much speculation and uncertainty continues 
to prevail among the people of colour in the United 
States, respecting our situation and prospects in 
Africa ; and many misrepresentations have been put 
in circulation there, of a nature slanderous to us, 
and, in their effects, injurious ioihem; we felt it our 
duty, by a true statement of our circumstances, to 
endeavour to correct them. 

" The first consideralirm which caused our volunta- 
ry removal to this country, and the object, which we 
still regard with the deepest concern, is liberty — li- 
berty, in tho sober, simple, but complete sense of 
the word ; not a licentious liberty, nor a liberty 
without government, or which should place us with- 
out the restraint of salutary laws — but that liberty 
of speech, action, and conscience, which distin- 
guishes the free, enfranchised citizens of a free 
state. We did not enjoy (hat freedom in our native 
countr y ; and, from causes which, as respects our- 
selves, we shall soon forget forever, we were certain 
it was not there attainable for ourselves or our chil- 
dren. This, then, being the first object of our pur- 
suit in coming to Africa, is probably the first object 
on which you will ask for information. And we 
must truly declare to you, that our expectations and 
hopes, in this respect, have been realized. Our 
constitution secures to us, so far as our condition al- 
lows, " all the rights and privileges enjoyed by the 
citizens of the United States ;" aud these rights and 
privileges are ours : — we are proprietors of the soil 
we live on, and possess the rights of freeholders. Our 
suffrages, and, what is of more importance, our senti- 
ments and our opinions, have their due weight in the 
government we live under. Our laws are altogether 
our own : they grow out of our circumstances ; are- 
framed for our exclusive benefit, and administered 
either by officers of our own appointment, cr such cs 
possess our confidence. We have a judiciary, chosen 
from among ourselves ; we serve as jurors in the 
trial of others; and are liable to be tried only In- 
juries of our fellow-citizens ourselves. We have all 
that is meant by liberty of conscience. The time and 
mode of worshipping God, as prescribed to us m I. is 
word, and dictated by our conscience, we are not 



only free to follow, but arc protected in follow- 
ing. 

" Forming a community of our own, in the land of 
our forefathers; having the commerce, and soil, 
and resources of the country, at our disposal ; we 
know nothing of that debasing inferiority uith which 
our very cotour stamped us in America : tliere is no- 
thing here to create the feeling on our part — nothing 
to cherish the feeling of superiority in the mijids of 
foreigners vUo visit us. It is this moral emancipa- 
tion — this liberation of the mind from worse than 
iron fetters — that repays us ten thousand times over, 
for all that it has cost us, and makes us grateful to 
God and our American patrons, for the happy c/iange 
that has taken place in our situation. We are not so 
self-complacent as to rest satisfied with our improve- 
ment, either as regards our minds or our circum- 
stances. We do not expect to remain stationary. 
Far from it. But we certainly feel ourselves, for 
the first time, in a state to improve either, to any 
purpose. The burden is gone from our shoulders ; 
we now breathe and move freely ; and know not, 
(in surveying your present state) for which to pity 
you most — the empty name of liberty, which you 
endeavour to content yourselves with, in a country 
that is not yours, or the delusion which makes you 
hope for ampler privileges in that country hereaf- 
ter. Tell us, which is the white man, who, with a 
prudent regard to his own character, can associate 
with one of you, on terms of equality ? Ask us, 
which is the white man who would decline such 
association with one of our number, whose intellec- 
tual and moral qualities are not an objection I To 
both these questions, we unhesitatingly make the 
same answer: — There is no such white man. 

" We solicit none of you to emigrate to this country . 
for v;e know not who among you prefers rational in- 
dependence, and the honest respect oj his fellow men, 
to that menial sloth and careless poverty which you 
already possess, and your children will inherit after 
you, in America. But if your views and aspirations 
rise a degree higher — if your minds are not as ser- 
vile as your present condition — we can decide the 
question at once ; and with confidence say, that you 
will bless the day, and your children after you, 
when you determined to become citizens of Libe 
ria. 

" But we do not hold this language on the bless- 
ings of liberty, for the purpose of consolingourselves 
for the sacrifice of health, or the suffering of want, 
in consequence of our removal to Africa. We en- 
joy health, after a few months' residence in the 
country, as uniformly, and in as perfect a degree, as 
we possessed that blessing in our native country 
And a distressing scarcity of provisions, or any of 
the comforts of life, has, for the last two years, been 
entirely unknown, even to the poorest persons in 
this community. On these points there are, and 
have been much misconception, and some malicious 
misrepresentations in the U. States. 

" The true character of the African climate is not 
tnll understood in other countries. Its inhabitants are 
as robust, as healthy, CU lung lived, to sny the least, 
as those <f any other country. Nothing like an epi- 
demic has ever appeared in this colony ; nor can 
we learn from the natives, that the calamity of a 
sweeping sickness ever vet visited this part of the 
continent But the change from a temperate to a 
tropical country is a great one — too great not to af- 
fect the health more or less — and, in the cases of 
old people, and very young children, it often causes 
death. In the early years of the colony, want of 
good houses, the great fatigues and dangers of the 
settlers, their irregular mode of living, and the hard- 
ships and discouragements they met with, greatly 
helped the other causes of sickness, which prevailed 
to an alarming extent, and were attended with great 
mortality. But we look back to those times as a sea- 
son of triul long past, and nearly forgotten. Our 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



21 



houses and circumstances are now comfortable ; 
and, tor the last two or three years, not one person 
in forty, from the middle anil southern Btates, has 
died from the change of climate. The disastrous late 
of the company of settlers who came out from Bos- 
ton in the brig Vine, eighteen months ago, is an ex- 
ception to the common lot of emigrants ; and the 
causes of it ought to be explained. Those people 
eft a cold region in the coldest part of winter, and 
arrived here in the hottest season of our year. Many 
of them were too old to have survived long in any 
country. They most imprudently neglected the 
prescriptions of our very successful physician, the 
Rev. Lott Cary, who has great experience and great 
skill in the fevers of the country; and depended on 
medicines brought with them, which could not fail 
to prove injurious. And, in consequence of all 
those unfortunate circumstances, their sufferings 
were severe, and many died. But we are not ap- 
prehensive that a similar calamity will befall any 
future emigrants, except under similar disadvan- 
tages. 

" People now arriving, have comfortable houses to 
receive them ; ivill enjoy the regular attendance of a 
physician in the. slight sickness that mat/ await them ,• 
will he surrounded and attended by healthy and happy 
■people, who have borne the effects of the climate, who 
viill encourage and fortify them against that despon- 
dency which, alone, has carried off several in the first 
years of the colony. 

" But yoa may *ay, that even health and freedom, 
as good as they are, are still dearly paid for, when 
they cost you the common comforts of life, and ex- 
pose your wives and children to famine, and all the 
evils "of want and poverty. We do not dispute the 
soundness of this conclusion either ; but we utterly 
deny that it has any application to the people of Li- 
beria. 

" Away with all the false notions that are circula- 
ting about the barrenness of this country : they are 
the observations of such ignorant and designing 
men, as would injure both it and you. A more fer- 
tile soil, and a more productive country so far as it is 
cultivated, there is not, we believe, on the face of the 
earth. Its hills and plains are covered with a ver- 
dure which never fades : the productions of nature 
keep on in their growth through all the seasons of 
the year. Even the natives of the country, almost 
without farming tools, without skill, and with very 
little labour, make more grain and vegetables than 
they can consume, and often more than they can 
sell. 

" Cattle, swine, fowls, ducks, goats, and sheep, thrive 
without feeding, arul require no other care than to 
keep them from straying. Cotton, coffee, indigo, and 
the sugar cane, are all the. spontaneous growth of our 
forests ; and mav be cultivated, at pleasure, to any 
extent, bv such as are disposed. The same may be 
said of rice, Indian corn, guinea corn, millet, and 
too many species of fruits and vegetables to be enu- 
merated. Add to all this, we Itave no dreary win- 
ter here, for one half of the year to consume the pro- 
ductions of the other half. Nature is constantly- 
renewing herself, and constantly pouring her trea- 
sures, all the vear round, into the laps of the indus- 
trious. We could say, on this subject, more ; but 
we are afraid of exciting, too highly, the hopes of the 
imprudent. Such persons, we think, will do well 
to keep their rented cellars, and earn their twenty- 
five cents at the wheelbarrow, in the commercial 
towns of America, and stay where they are. It is 
onlu the industrious and virtuous that we can j)oinl 
to independence, and plenty, and happiness, in this 
country. Such people are nearly sure to attain, in 
a very few years, to a style of comfortable living, 
which they may in vain hope for in the United 
States ; and, however short we come of this charac- 
ter ourselves, it is only a due acknowledgment of 



the bounty of Divine Providence to say, that we ge- 
nerally enjoy the good things of this file to our en 
tire satisfaction, 

"Our trade is chiefly confined to the coast, to the 
interior parts of the continent, and to foreign ves 
seis. It is already valuaMe and fast increasing. It 
is carried on in the productions of the country, con- 
sisting of rice, palm oil, ivory, tortoise shell, dye 
woods, gold, hides, wax, and a small amount of cof 
fee : and it brings us, in return, the products and 
manufactures of the four quarters of the world. 
Seldom, indeed, is our harbour clear of European 
and American shipping ; and the bustle and throng 
ing of our streets, show something, already, of the 
activity of the smaller seaports of the United States. 

" Mechanics of nearly every trade, are carrying on 
their various occupatiwis ; their wages are high, and 
a large number would be sure of constant and profita 
ble employment. 

" Not a child or youth in the colony , but is provided 
with an appropriate schoot. We have a numerous 
public library, and a court house, meeting houses, 
school houses, and fortifications sufficient, or nearly 
so, for the colony, in its present state. 

"Oar houses are constructed of the same materials, 
and finished in the same style, as in the towns of 
America. We have abundance of good building 
stone, shells for lime, and clay, of an excellent qua- 
lity, for bricks. Timber is plentiful, of various kinds, 
and lit for all the different purposes of building and 
fencing. 

" Truly we have a goodly heritage : and if there 
is any thing lacking in the character or condition of 
the people of this colony, it never can be charged 
to the account of the country, it must be the fruit 
of our own mismanagement, or slotlifulness, or vices 
But from these evils we confide in Him, to whom 
we are indebted for all our blessings, to preserve 
us. It is the topic of our weekly and daily thanks- 
giving to Almighty God, both in public and in pri 
vate, and He knows with what sincerity, that we 
were ever conducted, by his Providence, to this 
shore. Such great favours, in so short a time, and 
mixed with so few trials, are to be ascribed to no- 
thing but his special blessing. This we acknow- 
ledge. We only want the gratitude which such 
signal favours call for. J\or are we willing to close 
this paper, without adding a heartfelt testimonial of 
the deep obligations we owe to our American pa- 
trons and best earthly benefactors, whose wisdom 
pointed us to this home of our nation, and whose ac- 
tive and persevering benevolence enabled us to 
reach it. Judge, then, of the feelings, with which 
we hear the motives and doings of the Colonization 
Society traduced ; and that, too, by men too igno- 
rant to know what the Society has accomplished ; 
too weak to look through its plans and intentions; 
or too dishonest to acknowledge either. But, with- 
out pretending to any prophetic sagacity, we can 
certainly predict to that society, the ultimate tri- 
umph of their hopes and labours, and disappoint- 
ment and defeat to all who oppose them. Men may 
theorize, and speculate about their plans in Ame- 
rica, but there can be no speculation here. The 
cheerful abodes of civilization and happiness which 
are scattered over this verdant mountain — the flou- 
rishing settlements which ars spreading around it — 
ths sound of christian instruction, and scenes of 
christian worship, which are heard, and seen in this 
land of brooding pagan darkness — a thousand con- 
tented freemen, united in forming a new christian 
empire, happy themselves, and instruments of hap- 
piness to others — every object, every individual, is 
an argument, is demonstration, of the wisdom and 
goodness of the plan of colonization. 

"Where is the argument that shall refute facts 
like these ? And where is the man hardy enough 
to deny them ?" 







22 



LETTERS ON THE 



Ertract of a letter from Capt. Nicholson, of the U. 
S. ship, Ontario, to the Hon. Henri/ Clay. 

" Washington, March 17, 1828. 

" Having visited the colony of Liberia, on my re- 
turn to the United States, from a cruise in the Me- 
diterranean, I cheerfully comply with your request, 
by presenting to you such views of its present con- 
dition and probable growth, as occurred to me in 
the course of that visit. 

" The noil in the possession of the colonists is rich, 
and will produce a superabundance for the support 
of the colon y, as well Cs for external commerce. Su- 
gar, cotton, coffee, rice, and various trees and plants, 
yielding valuable dyes, and medicinal gums, can be 
cultivated with success. 

" The children born in the country, are fine look- 
ing, and 1 presume can be raised as easily as those 
of the natives. All the colonists with whom I had 
communication (and with nearly the whole of them 
did I communicate, in person, or by my officers,) ex- 
pressed thtir decided wish to remain in their present 
situation, rather than return again to the United 
Stales. I cannot give vou better evidence of the 
prosperity of the colony, than by mentioning, that 
eight of my crew, (coloured mechanics,) after going 
ashore two several days, applied for and received 
their discharge, in order to remain as perrtmnent set- 
tlers. These men had been absent from their coun- 
try upwards of three years, and had among them 
nearly two thousand dollars in clothes and money. 
Had they not been thoroughly convinced, that their 
happiness and prosperity would be better ]iromoted 
by remaining among their free brethren in Liberia, 
they would not have determined on so momentous 
a step as quitting the United States, perhaps forever, 
where they had ail left friends and relatives. 

" The appearance of all the colonists, those of 
Monrovia as well as Caldwell, indicated more than 
contentment. Their manners were those of free- 
men, who experienced the blessings of liberty, and 
appreciated the boon. Many of them had, by trade, 
accumulated a competency, if the possession of from 
three to five thousand dollars may be called so. As 
a proof of the growing importance of the commerce 
of the country, more than one hundred hogsheads 
of tobacco had been imported, during the last year, 
and the demand was increasing. Ivory and cam- 
wood are now the prominent articles received in 
exchange, for foreign imports ; other dye-woods, and 
many medicinal gums and roots, will be hereafter 
brought in. as they are already known to exist in 
the interior. 

" The importance of this colony, as regards the 
native tribes ol the coast, is, in my estimation, great. 
They already begin to perceive, that it is civiliza- 
tion and the blessings of religion, which give supe- 
riority to man over his fellow man. They had sup- 
posed it was the white skin; but now they see in 
their neighbourhood, men of their own colour, en- 
joying all those advantages, hitherto deemed pecu- 
liar to the former. This has elicited a spirit of in- 
quirv. which must tend tc their benefit. The phi- 
lanthropist may anticipate the day, when our lan- 
guage and our religion will spread over this now 
benighted land. The slave trade will cease, as the 
colony progresses, and extends its settlements. The 
very spot where nun) exists a free peoj/le, was a de- 
pot for the reception of manacled slaves. This feci 
alone is entitled to consideration, and ought to 
arouse the zeal of the friends of humanity every 
where. 

" 1 lake leave to mention, that the climate is 
much like that of all similar latitudes; and as the 
land is rich, and most of it still in woods, we must 
expect that bilious fever will sometimes prevail ; 
but I do not think it more unhealthy to the coloured 
people, than our extreme southern coast j and as the 
soil of Liberia becomes clear and cultivated, I have 
no doubt it will bo found as healthy as any other 



southern latitude. It was, I believe, never intended 
that the while man should inhabit this region of the 
globe ; at least, we know that the diseases of this 
climate are more fatal to him, than to the man of 
colour. They luxuriate in the intense heat, while 
a wliite man sinks under its exhausting influences. 
JOILN B. MCHOLSO.V 



LETTER X. 
Subjects continued. — Letter from Captain 
Sherman — -from Captain Kennedy — from 

Captain Weaver — from Captain Abels. 
Extract of a letter from W. E. Sherman, Captain 

of the Liberia, which carried the Colonists to Li- 

beria, in January, 1830, to Mr. Edward Hallo- 
well. 

" Philadelphia, May 10, 1830. 

" Monrovia, at present, consists of about ninety 
dwelling houses and stores, tivo houses for public 
worship, and a court house. Many of the dwellings 
are handsome and convenient, and all of them com- 
fortable. The plot of the town is cleared more than 
a mile square, elevated about seventy feet above 
the level of the sea, and contains seven hundred 
inhabitants. The streets are generally one hundred 
feet wide, and, like those of our good citi/, intersect 
each other at right angles. The Colonization So- 
ciety have an agent and a physician there. 

" The agent is the chief magistrate of the colony 
and the physician his assistant. No white people are 
allowed to reside in the colony for the purpose of 
trade, or of pursuing any mechanical business, such 
being intended for the exclusive benefit of the co- 
loured people. The colonial secretary, collector of 
customs, surveyor, and constables, are appointed 
by the agent — the vice-agent, sheriff, treasurer, and 
all other civil oilicers are elective, and all the offi- 
ces except that of the agent and physician are filled 
by coloured people. 

" The court holds its sessions on the first Monday 
in every month ; juries are empannellcd as with 
us; and its jurisdiction extends over the whole co- 
lony. The trials are, principally, for larceny, and 
the criminals are generally natives, who commit 
thefts in the settlements. A few instances of kid- 
napping have occurred ; these depredations were 
committed on the recaptured Africans. Tc the ho- 
nour of the emigrants be it mentioned, that but five 
of their number have been committed for stealing or 
misdemeanor, since 1827. 

" Two native kings have put themselves a?id their 
subjects, (supposed to amount to ten thousand.) under 
the protection of the colony, and are ready, should it 
be thought necessary or expedient by the settlers, 
to put into their hands, arms, to make common cause 
with them, in case of hostilities by any of the na- 
tives; which, however, is not anticipated, as the 
most friendly disposition is manifested by all ihena 
lives of the country, from whom any danger might 
have been apprehended. 

"There is much hospitality to be found in Mon- 
rovia, and among the inhabitants a greater propor- 
tion of moral and religious characters than in this 
city. I never saw a man intoxicated, nor heard any 
profane swearing during the three weeks I was among 
them. 

"The two houses for religious worship, are Baptist 
and Methodist — The Baptists have three, and Me- 
thodists iive preachers, all intelligent coloured men, 
merchants and traders, residing among them; so 
that the people have nothing to pay for the support 
of ministers. Five German missionaries, some minis- 
ters and teachers, reside there, a portion of whom 
preach at the Methodist church occasionally. 

" It has been objected that the climate is very un- 
healthy — this is true, as it respects the whites, but 
erroneous as respects the coloured people. Those 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



23 



from the middle and. northern states, have to undergo 
what is called a seasoning — that is, they generally 
take thejever the first month if their residence, but 
it has rarelu proved fatal, since accommodations 
have been prepared for their reception; those from 
Georgia, the Carolinas, and the southern parts of 
Virginia, either escape the fever altogether, or hove 
it veru slightli/. Death occurs there, indeed, as in 
other places; but Dr. Mechlin, the agent, assured 
me that the bills of mortality would show a less 
proportion of deaths, than those of Baltimore, Phila- 
delphia or New York. W. E. SHERMAN." 

Letter from Captain Kennedy, of the U. S. ship 
Java, to the secretary of the Society. 

" Norfolk, June 22, 1831. 

" Sir — I have the honour to acknowledge the re- 
ceipt of yours of the ] lth inst. requesting my opi- 
nion of the condition and necessities of the colony 
at Liberia. 

" I hope I need not assure you, that it affords me 
great gratification to comply with your request, and 
to lay before you a statement of the facts which pre- 
sented themselves to me, during the visit I made 
to Montserado, hi the frigate Java, under my com- 
mand. 

" The wisdom and talent which distinguish the 
councils of the Society to which you belong, and 
the vast materials which your experience and zeal 
have enabled you to collect, cause great diffidence 
on my part, in the suggestion of any new plan of 
operations. I was, however, not an idle observer, 
during my stay among the colonists, and the con- 
clusions which pressed upon my mind, as the re- 
sults of my inquiries, shall be most cheerfully sub- 
mitted for your better judgment and consideration. 

" It may not be improper to observe in the outset, 
that my inquiries were commenced under auspices 
very unfavourable to the practicability of the scheme 
of your Society ; lor while, I trust, I yielded un- 
feigned acknowledgment of the piety and purity of 
purpose which governed its worthy and disinter- 
ested projectors, yet the vast difficulties attending 
the prosecution of their labours, and the very prob- 
lematical results, in the want of success, left an im- 
pression upon my mind, altogether unfavourable to 
the institution — under these impressions, therefore, 
I commenced my inquiry with great caution. I 
sought out the most shrewd and intelligent of the 
colonists, many of whom were personally known to 
me, and bu long and weary conversations, endea- 
voured to elicit from them any dissatisfaction with 
their condition, (if such existed,) or any latent design 
to return to their native country — neither of these did 
I oliserve ; on the contrary, I thought I could per- 
ceive that they considered that they had started into a 
new existence ; that, disencumbered of the mortify- 
ing relations in which they formerly stood in society 
— they felt themselves proud of their attitude, and 
seemed conscious, that while they were the found- 
ers of a new empire, they were prosecuting the 
noble purpose of the regeneration of the land of 
their fathers. 

" I was pleased to observe that they were im- 
pressed with the vast importance of a proper edu- 
cation, not only of their children, but of the children 
/ of the natives; and that to this they looked confi- 
dently as the means of effecting their high object, 
namely, the civilization of their benighted brethren 
in Africa. 

"1 observed, with great satisfaction, that their 
children, in many instances, could converse in the 
languages of the tribes by which the colony is sur- 
rounded. Thus the obstacles which formerly em- 
barrassed its commerce with the interior, and which, 
by the by, are even now but few, must, in a very 
short time, cease entirely to exist. Most of the ar- 
ticles of traffic which can be profitably used in bar- 
ter with the natives, are familiar to your readers ; 



but there are yet some which have not employed 
the enterprise of our citizens, and of those embraced 
in their speculations, many improvements in quality 
might advantageously be enumerated. The inha- 
bitants of Xing Boatswain's town, (one hundred and 
eighty miles up the St. Paul's river, and twenty 
miles from it, which empties into the bay of Mont- 
serado,) interchange with the most friendly disposi- 
tions towards the colonists. 

" It gives me pleasure to state, that the colonists 
are turning their attention to the cultivation of cof- 
fee. That this article of produce is to prove a source 
of vast wealth to the colonists there can be no 
doubt; the labour and expense of its cultivation 
will be comparatively small; indeed, they have but 
to clear away the forest trees, and the plantations 
are ready to their hands. There are tiro descrip- 
tions of the plant indigenous — one, a shrub, evidently 
the same as the Mocha, but yielding a berry of supe- 
rior favour ; the other a tree, frequently attaining 
the height of 40 feet : a specimen of the latter, I 
brought with me to Cuba, in the Java, and left with 
Mr. Shaler, our Consul, for the Botanic Garden of 
that city. 

" That there are many vast resources, yet unde- 
veloped in Liberia, no one can entertain a doubt ; 
that they will soon be brought forth, and made avail- 
able by the enterprise and intelligence of the colo- 
nists, is equally unquestionable. How earnestly 
then, should every philanthropist apply himself to 
aid and advance the operations of a society, the ob- 
ject of which is, not only to elevate so large a por- 
tion of our fellow beings from the degrading rela- 
tions in which they stand towards the rest of the 
human race, but to redeem from the thraldom of 
ignorance, superstition and vice, a whole continent! 
That these great results are, under Providence, to 
be accomplished, is a conviction to which I have 
been brought by actual experience and scrutinizing 
observation. EDWARD P. KENNEDY." 

" P. S. It would be well, perhaps, to state, that, in 
a conversation with one of the Kroos, or Kroomen, 
I was informed by him, that he came with his wife 
from Timbuctoo by water, with the exception of 
twenty-five miles, the distance that city stands from 
the Niger ; he came down the St. Paul's to Mont- 
serado." 

Extract af a letter from Captain Weaver, who visited 
the Colon i/ in 1831. 

" Washi?.gto.\. Jan. 1, 1832. 
"The charge of unhealthiness against Liberia, for 
the coloured races, cannot be supported. It is the 
birthplace of the black man, to which his constitu- 
tion is peculiarly adapted ; and though estranged 
for a time from his native clime, nature will un- 
doubtedly triumphantly resume her swa)-, whene- 
ver he returns to the land of his fathers. Africa is 
the black man's home, physically. Morally, he 
should aspire for a residence within her bounda- 
ries. He is there, the lord of the soil — all mankind 
are there his equals — the distinction of colour is there 
against the white man ; for in Africa, he is a sort of 
" lusus naturae," an object to be pointed at by the 
finger of curiosity, an object of dread for his power, 
and of hatred for his avarice. Sir. I ha\e faith in 
the success of the colony of Liberia — you have 
many difficulties to encounter ; but they are not in- 
surmountable. If our government will dcicn to 
foster that colony, a very short time will suffice to 
render it of great importance, in a commercial point 
of view, independent of home considerations. In 
the tobacco trade, we can have no rivals. The 
north and the south are deeply interested in the 
prosperity of our sable colony. The north will find 
a vent for her surplus manufactures, and the south 
a home and a refuge for a portion of its jwipulation, 
which every good citizen must wish to see speedily 
transferred thither — I mean the free coloured popu- 



24 



LETTERS ON THE 



lation of the United States. The eost of transporta- 
tion is, by many persona of intelligence, deemed an 
insurmountable barrier. Avarice brought them 
here! Shall we make the painful admission, that 
that vice so far exceeds the combined virtues of a 
christian community, as to render its deeds irrevo- 
cable ? No, Sir ; it is in the power of the American 
people, with a due understanding of the case, and 
of the magnitude of the object, to effect much by a 
simultaneous movement." 

Letter from Captain Abels, of Ike schooner Marga- 
ret Mercer, dated Washington Feb. 10, 1832. 
" Having just arrived in the United States, from 
the colony of Liberia, to which place I went as mas- 
ter of the schooner Margaret Mercer, and where I 
remained thirteen days, during which time I was 
daily on shore, and carefully observed the state of 
affairs, and inquired into the condition of the peo- 
ple, 1 venture to state some facts in regard to the 
circumstances and prospects of the colony. On the 
14th of December I arrived, and on the 15th went 
on shore, and was received in the most polite and 
friendly manner by the governor, Dr. Mechlin, who 
introduced me to the ministers and principal inha- 
bitants. All the colonists appeared to be in good 
health. All my expectations in regard to the aspect 
of things, the health, harmony, order, contentment, in- 
dustry, and general prosperity of the settlers, were 
more than realized. There are about two hundred 
buildings in the town of Monrovia, extending along 
the Cape Montserado, not far from a mile and a 
quarter.* Most of these are good substantial houses 
and stores, (the first story of many of them being of 
stone,) and some of them handsome, spacious, paint- 
ed, and with Venitian blinds. Nothing struck me 
as more remarkable, than the great superiority, in 
intelligence, manners, conversation, dress, and ge- 
neral appearance, in every respect, of the people 
over their coloured brethren in America. So much 
was I pleased with what I saw, that I observed to 
the people, should I make a true report, it would 
hardly be credited in the United States. Among 
all that I conversed with, 7 did not find a discon- 
tented person, or hear one. express a desire to return 
to America. I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear 
a profane word uttered by any one. Being a minis- 
ter of the gospel, on Christmas day I preached both 
in the Methodist and Baptist church, to full and at- 
tentive congregations, of from three to four hun- 
dred persons in each. I know of no place where 
the Sabbath appears to be more respected than in 
Monrovia. I was glad to see that the Colonial 
Agent, or Governor, is a constant attendant on Di- 
vine service, and appears desirous of promoting the 
moral and religious welfare of the people. Most of 
the settlers appear to lie rapidly acquiring property, 
and I have no doubt they are doing better for them- 
selves and their children in Liberin.than they could 
do in any other part of the world. Could the free 
people of colour in this country, but see the real con- 
dition of their brethren who have settled in Africa. 
I am persuaded they would require no oilier motive 
to induce them to emigrate. This is my decided and 
deliberate judgment." 

Extract of a letter from. Mr. Mechlin, Colony Agent. 
" As to the morals of the colonists, I consider them 
much better than those of the people of the U. S. ; 
that is, you may take an equal numlwr of the inhabit- 
ants from any section of the Union, and you will 
find more, drunkards, more profane swearers and 
SabbalhJrreaJcers, d}c, than in Liberia. Indeed, I 
know of no country where things are conducted 
more quietly and orderly than in this colony. You 

* This is a {rreat increase since the visit of Captain 
Sherman, two years before. 



rarely hear an oath, and ns to riots and breaches of 
the peace, I recollect of but one instance, and thai 
of a trilling nature, that has come under my notice 
since I assumed the government of the colony. The 
Sabbath is more strictly observed, than 1 ever saw 
it in the United States. Our Sunday schools are 
well attended, not only by the children of the colo- 
nists, but also by the native children who reside 
amongst us. The natives themselves are so well 
acquainted with our strict observance of this day. 
that you never find them offering any thing for sale, 
nor can you hire them to work for you ; I mean 
those who have been amongst us, and at all ac- 
quainted with our customs." 

Extract from an Essay on the African Slave Trad", 
said to be written by a distinguished British naval 
officer, who passed three years on the African coast 
From the Amulet, a London annual for 1832. 
"On the subject of Sierra Leone, and the causes 
of its failure, so much has been said, that it would 
be superfluous to repeat it here. Public expectation 
has not, certainly, been answered ; but that these 
experiments are not of a fanciful or impracticable 
nature, is completely proved by the success which 
has attended the cofony which came next in succes- 
sion on this coast. This is a bold promontory, called 
originally Monte Serrado, but corrupted, as all 
names are, by negro pronunciation, into Mesurado. 
The American Colonization Society located here a 
number of free people of colour, the offspring of 
African slaves, born in America and liberated. 

" The settlement consists of two establishments 
The first is Monrovia, on Cape Montserado, and the 
other Caldwell, seven miles up the river St- Paul. 
The whole population amounts to about three hun- 
dred families, comprising more than 1500 persons, 
(2500 at present) who have each farms allotted to 
them, some in the lower and some in the upper set- 
tlement. A regular and most improved system of 
husbandry is insisted on. 

" Nothing lias tended more to suppress the slave 
trade in this quarter than the constant intercourse and 
communication of the natives with these industrious 
colonists. The American agent, Mr. Ashmun. took 
every opportunity and means in his power to extin- 
guish a traffic so injurious in every way to the fair 
trader; and at Cape Montserado, good and correct 
information was always to be obtained of any slave 
vessel on the coast, within the communication or 
influence of the colonv. This active, respectable, 
and intelligent man is since dead; but his spirit 
still actuates all his people. 

" The character of these indwstrious colonists is 
exceedingly correct and moral : their minds strongly 
impressed with religious feelings ; their mannen 'se- 
rious and decorous ; and their domestic habits re- 
markably neat and comfortable. Those who have 
visited them, speak highly of their appearance and 
mode of living. They are a comely and well-formed 
race of negroes — neat and clean in their persons — 
modest and civil in their manners — and regular and 
comfortable in iheir dwellings. Their houses are 
well built, ornamented with gardens and other 
pleasing decorations, and on the inside are remarka- 
bly clean — the units well white-washed, and the 
rooms neatly furnished. * 

" The complete success of this colony, is a proof 
that negroes are, by proper care and attention, as sus- 
ceptible of the habits of industry, and the improve- 
ments of social life, as any other race of human be- 
ings ; and that the melioration of the condition of the 
black people on the coast of Africa, by means of 
such colonies, is not chimerical. Wherever the influ- 
ence of this colony extends, THE slave-trade has 
BEEN ABANDONED BY THE NATIVES, AND THE PEACE- 
FUL PURSUITS OF LEGITIMATE COMMERCE ESTA- 
BLISHED IN ITS ri.ACE." 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



25 



LETTER XL 

Subjects continued.-Examination of Mr. De- 
van?/, High Sheriff of the Colony of Libe- 
ria, before a Committee of Congress, on 
the 26th and 21th of May, 1830. 

" This Committee consisted of the Hon. 
C. F. Mercer, Mr. Everett of Mass. Mr. 
Rose, Mr. Williams, Mr. Vance, Mr. Denny 
and Mr. Kincaid. Just before the adjourn- 
ment of Congress, Mr. Francis Devany, one 
of the earliest, most intelligent and respect- 
able settlers in Liberia, who had, for some 
time, held the office of High Sheriff in the 
Colony, arrived in Washington, and, as he 
had resided in Africa for more than seven 
years, had discharged faithfully and usefully, 
the duties of several responsible offices, and 
had been and continued to be engaged in 
extensive trade, it was deemed important, 
by Mr. Mercer, Chairman of the Committee 
just mentioned, to receive his testimony, 
respecting the geography, climate, soil, na- 
tural and civil History, municipal Govern- 
ment, manners, productions, commerce, nav- 
igation, arts and improvements of the Colony 
of Liberia. 

"Mr. Devany stated, in reply to queries put to 
him by the Hon. Mr. Mercer, Judge Spencer, and 
others, that the Colonists labour under very serious 
inconvenience, for want of a National Flag, un- 
der which to sail. A number of vessels are owned 
by them, which might, and would be engaged in 
commerce to this country, but which are laid up at 
present for want of a flag. Mr. Devany himself 
owns one, which cost him a thousand dollars. 
Another Colonist owns a vessel that cost §6,000. 
Both these valuable vessels are now laid up, and 
going to decay, as the owners do not consider it safe 
to venture them at sea, under existing circumstan- 
ces. Besides these, there are. five or six others 
owned in the Colony, of smaller value. These are 
engaged in a coasting trade of very confined ex- 
tent; the greatest distance to which they venture to 
go, is as far as Sierra Leone. The object of their 
apprehension is not the hostility of the European 
powers, but the pirates who infest those seas. The 
British and French have both behaved in the most 
friendly manner towards the Colonists. 

"The prevailing morals of the Colonists are good. 
Mr. Devany had witnessed but one fight among them 
during his residence there, and that was occasioned 
by a sort of political quarrel with a coloured man 
from Sierra Leone, who, partaking of the jealous 
spirit which prevails among some persons there, had 
spoken in an abusive manner of the American Col- 
ony and its Government. Larcenies, under the 
value of five shillings, are punished by fine. Those 
above that sum, by imprisonment and whipping. No 
instance of capital crime had yet occurred. — Where 
the laws of the Colony are silent, resort is had to 
the laws of the United States, so that no crime can, 
through any deficiency of that kind, be committed 
with impunity. The courts, when sitting, are well 
attended. Witnesses are brought up by a process 
of subpoena, as in the United States. Some instan- 
ces of intemperance have occurred, but the habit 
is confined to two persons only, and does not go to 
such an extent, as to be of serious injury to the fami- 
lies of the individuals, who are blacksmiths. They 
have three churches, frame buildings, one of them 
with a steeple. One belongs to the Baptists, another 
to the Methodists, and one, not yet finished, to the 



Presbyterians. Divine service is attended three 
times on Sunday, and also on Tuesday and Thurs- 
day evenings. The Sunday Schools are attended 
by many of the native children. All who can be 
decently clad, are in the habit of attending.— I3nt such 
as are not clothed, will not come. The natives in 
the neighbourhood of the Colony are adopting our 
mode of dress ; the men wearing pantaloons, and 
the women a cloth garment, covering nearly their 
whole person. They were formerly but very 
slightly covered ; but now females in that situation 
will not pass through the town, but take a circuit- 
ous route to avoid observation. No dancing is prac- 
tised; the religious part of the community having 
prevailed in discouraging it. Several of the neigh- 
bouring tribes have voluntarily put themselves un- 
der Aie laws of the Colony, and sought its protec- 
tion. On the death of old King Peter, a celebrated 
chief in the neighbourhood, his head man, caked 
Long Peter, made an effort to usurp the Govern- 
ment of the tribe. But they fled to the Colony for 
protection ; in consequence of which delegates were 
sent among them, and the matter was compromised, 
by appointing Long Peter as head man, but not as 
King. The chief acquiesced in this arrangement, 
and the people were satisfied and returned to their 
employment. The natives of this tribe have adopt- 
ed our dress, and many of the children attend the 
schools in the Colon)'. 

" A very active trade is carried on at Monrovia. 
A Colonist, by the name of Waring, will have sold 
goods this year [1830] to the amount of $70,000. 
Mr. Devany's own sales amount to between 24 and 
$25,000. Being asked how much he considered 
himself as worth, he replied that he computed his 
property at $20,000, and would not be willing to 
take that sum for it. He has been in the Colony 
seven years, and had but little property when he 
went there. Coffee is very abundant in the higher 
and more rocky groimds ; on sandy soil it is not so 
plenty. — The produce of the plants" is very various; 
from some trees enough may be gathered to fill a 
pocket handkerchief of the largest size, while oth- 
ers will not yield more than half a pound. It re- 
sembles the coffee of Java, being white and of large 
grain. There is another kind, of smaller grain, but 
this is but little used. The Colony as yet has not 
made coffee an article of export, the Colonists not 
having had time to engage in the regular cultiva- 
tion of the plant. They gather, however, enough 
for their own consumption. They export dye- 
woods, of different kinds, hides, ivory, palm oil, and 
rice. The French, in particular, are desirous of 
trading in the last article. Provisions are plenty, 
and in order to keep up the native trade, they are 
sometimes taken in greater quantities than can be 
consumed. The traders refuse none that is brought 
in. The Colonists in general are well satisfied with 
their situation. The exceptions are very few, and 
consist of some old women and persons of very 
weak capacity, such as the Colonists would be glad 
to get rid of. On the tables in Monrovia may be 
found beef, mutton, fish, fowls, ducks, and occasion- 
ally a turkey or a roast pig, together with the fruits of 
the country, which are very various. Coffee and tea 
are used for breakfast. 

" The health of the Colony is in general good. 
From ten days to six weeks after their first arrival, 
strangers are liable to attacks of ague and fever; 
but after that time they are usually healthy. Mr 
Devany had travelled up the St. Paul's river till he 
came to a series of falls extending in all about 10 or 
12 miles, in which space the water often falls per- 
pendicularly 20, 30, and 50 feet. 

" They gave the master of one of their schools a 
salary of $450. This he did not consider sufficient, 
and engaged in business as public surveyor ; in con- 
sequence of which the school had somewhat de- 
clined, but they had the prospect of getting another 



26 



LETTERS ON THE 



teacher. They are desirous of having white men * 
competently educated, to teach their schools ; in 
which capacity only, and in that of clergymen, 
white persons are aflowed to reside in the Colony. 
A newspaper is published in Monrovia, by Mr. 
RuSBWUrm, a coloured man, and a graduate oi a col- 
lege in Maine. He published a paper some tune 
since in New York. He has now upon nis list be- 
tween 2 arid 300 subscribers. 

" Being asked how the Agents of Government 
tieated the Liberian Colonists, Mr. Devany replied, 
'perfectly well, entirely to their satisfaction.' They 
placed them on a footing of perfect equality, as 
much as if no distinction of colour existed. The 
people had great respect for the agents, but still felt 
themselves at the head of their own society. Much 
activity and emulation prevail ; each settler endea- 
vouring to push his own fortune by all proper and 
honourable means. If one builds himself a com- 
fortable house this season, his-neighbour will endea- 
vour to have as good a one the next. But this c mv 
perition is attended with no ill will. A plat of the 
town is drawn and laid off in lots, and when new 
settlers arrive, they employ a lottery to fix their se- 
veral situations; each being allowed in the town a 
quarter of an acre, and 15 acres in its neighbourhood, 
which he is at liberty to cultivate for himself Some 
who wish to become farmers, and settle at a dis- 
tance, are allowed small farms of 50 acres. The 
soil is cultivated with ease. Ploughs are not yet in- 
troduced. They have some mules which they 
brought from the Cape De Verds. There are also 
a few oxen ; but these, not having been early bro- 
ken, do not work to advantage. The late lamented 
Mr.Cary, however, had a yoke which he broke 
himself, and which worked very well. They nad 
had some horses, but these not being well mana- 
ged had died. Others, however, could readily be 
procured at the Rio Pongas. The climate is mild 
and uniform ; the thermometer never being lower 
than 68 3 , nor higher than 88°, save perhaps one 
day in a season, when it has been known to rise to 
9l'degrees. There is a constant sea-breeze, and 
Mr. Devany had seen the weather quite cool ; not 
cold enough however to produce frost. The hou- 
ses have no chimneys except to the kitchens; but it 
is customary, in the cooler weather, to use small fur- 
naces with charcoal. Many of the houses are built 
of stone, others of logs, weather-boarded. Some or 
these are painted white, with green Vemtian bunds. 
They have gardens abounding with vegetables, 
and various native fruits. There is a species ot 
sour orange, that seems indigenous to the soil, be- 
in"- found in abundance. The seed of the sweet 
orange has also been brought from Sierra Leone, 
and succeeds well. The Tamarind is also plentiful, 
and the Colonists have now- received seeds from 
America and are endeavouring to raise various 
West India fruits. The pine-apple is common, and 
they have a species of cherry growing m large clus- 
ters like grapes. The palm-tree abounds, and is of 
great value; ; palm-oil is worth from five to six cents 
a pound. They take it in trade from the country 
people at from "eight to ten cents a gallon, and the 
gallon contains from seven to eight pounds. 

♦White men are exposed to great danger from the 
Climate ; it is much better to educate coloured people in 
this country, and send them to the Colony. 

Philadelphia, April 20th, 1832. 



LETTER XII. 
Disadvantages to the white population ari- 
sing from slavery.— Hardships of the co- 
loured population in the slave states. — Con- 
trast of the situation of the Colonists at 
Liberia. 
In stating the disadvantages to the white 



population arising from slavery, I shall confine 
myself to the declarations of slave-holders 
themselves, whose practical experience ena- 
bles them to decide ; and to whose testimony, 
therefore, there can be none of those excep- 
tions taken, to which theoretical views would 
be justly liable. 

" To provide ibr the free negro a country, is alike 
the dictate of humanity towards him, and of policy 
towards ourselves. While he remains here, no 
white labourer will seek employment near him. 
Hence it is, that in some of the richest counties east 
of the Blue Ridge, the white population is station- 
ary, and in many others it is retrograde. Virginia, 
once the first state in numbers, as she is still in terri 
lory, has become the third, and will soon have to de- 
scend to the fourth rank. The valuation of the lands 
of New York, exceeds the estimate of all the lands and 
slaves in Virginia." — Richmond and Manchester Co- 
lonization Society. 

" Experience has taught ns, that slaves add no- 
thing to our wealth. Where they exist, labour is 
not only high, but badly performed ; and the com- 
munities growing up around us, which are clear of 
this evil, flourish over us, and by their cheapness 
of labour, nicer mechanism, and more abundant in 
dustry, are mating us tributary. The progress of 
light— the conduct of other nations— and particu- 
larly that of our South American neighbours, in li- 
berating their slaves— the growing belief of the 
disadvantages of slavery, with other causes, contri- 
bute to increase the conviction that slavery a an 
evil, and thai its consequences may, one day or other, 
become terrible."— Kentucky Colonization Society. 

" Slavery is ruinous to the whites— retards im- 
provement—roots out an industrious population, 
banishes the yeomanry of the country— deprives 
the spinner, the weaver, the smith, the shoemaker, 
the carpenter, of employment and support. This 
evil admits of no remedy— it is increasing, and Will 
continue to increase, until the whole country will 
be inundated with one black wave covering its 
whole extent, with a few white faces here and 
there, floating on the surface. The master has no 
capital but what is vested in human flesh— the fa- 
ther, instead of being richer for his sons, is at a loss 
to provide for them— there is no diversity of occu- 
pations, no incentive to enterprise. Labour of every 
species is disreputable, because performed mostly by 
slaves. Our towns are stationary, our villages almost 
every where declining— and the general aspect of the 
country marks Hie curse of a wasteful, idle, reckless 
population, who have no interest in the soil, and care 
not how much it is impoverished. Public improve- 
ments are neglected, and the entire continent does 
not present a region for which nature has done so 
much, and art so little. If cultivated by free labour, 
the soil of Virginia is capable of sustaining a dens© 
population, among whom labour Would be honoura- 
ble, and where ' the busy hum of men' would tell 
that all were happv, and that all were free."- 
Speech of T. Marshall, of Fauquier Co. m the legis- 
lature of Virginia. . 

" The effect of slavery on our national prosperity, 
is well worth consideration. Our political power 
is fast passing away; our relative influence m this 
union rapidly decreasing ; and should it be dissolv- 
ed (which Cod avert!) with such a canker preying 
on our vitals, who can foresee the point of political 
imbecility to which we may ultimately arrive ? But 
no more of this— my national love recoils at the 

■•Whilst one half of our population are taught to 
look on 'labour as degrading, or are unable to pro 
cure employment, should their pressing wants over- 
come this feeling; the whole class of labourers have 
a direct interest in doing and saving as little as pos- 
aible.so that they barely screen themselves from 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



27 



punishment. I do not say this is always the case ; 
but such is unquestionably the effect: and if we 
compare it with a system in which each one has a 
direct interest in producing and saving as much as 
possible, the difference in the result throughout a 
whole community, would be astounding. Let us 
trace the effects of the two systems a little further, 
in a picture, one part of which will be familiar to 
many. Take the case of a man in Virginia, having 
a capital of $10,000 vested in lands and negroes, 
with a family often children. It is sufficient while 
together, for their comforiable support. As the 
children grow up there is no want of steady labour, 
on the farm, even if they have been so fortunate as 
to escape the idea that it would be degrading. The 
surplus of the estate affords not the means of educa- 
tion beyond the ordinary instruction of a country 
school. As they grow up, they must imitate their 
neighbours in dress and habits. The girls find am- 
ple employment in making up their own dresses, or 
little ornaments for their own persons , the young 
men must have horses, and perhaps a slave occa- 
sionally to feed and clean them. — With neither em- 
ployment nor intellectual amusements to keep them 
at home, they seek company at the public places in 
their neighbourhood. Money must be had ; and the 
resources of the farm, drained to the utmost, leave 
no capital for improvement, even should the father 
escape inextricable embarrassment. Finally, the 
old people die, and leave a family of sons, unaccus- 
tomed to labour, unfit for professions, helpless, and 
too probably vicious from indolence. The property 
is divided : and each share, too small to support 
them in their accustomed courses, even until they 
determine on what is to be done, is most commonly 
wasted in vice and sensuality. 

"View, on the contrary, a family of equal num- 
bers and capital, vested in land and stock, in a non- 
slave holding community- The daughters are com- 
pelled to assist their mother in all the domestic 
labour. If there be a son of sprightly and promising 
talents, he is educated for a profession, and thus 
provided for. The wants of the farm demand the 
services of the others in summer, and in winter 
they receive the rudiments of a plain education un- 
til the time at which they may be put to trades or 
business. As they arrive at age respectively, the 
small earnings of industry the parents may have 
saved, are applied in establishing them in the pur- 
suit of their choice. Finally, the person dies, and 
leaves the real estate (burthened, perhaps, with 
legacies) to the sons, thus compelled to industry, un- 
til they have families of their own. when the same 
process is renewed. In this way, is the community 
continually supplied with an industrious class of 
labourers. No capital is dissipated by the system, 
but a continual accumulation; which extending 
through a whole community for a series of years, 
will sufficiently account for the difference in pros- 
perity between the slave and non-slave holding 
States, without resorting to the Tariff or the oppres- 
sion of the Federal Government. 

"These and other causes, which, in the limits of a 
few newspaper essays, it would be impossible to 
enumerate, must continually cause our white popu- 
lation to diminish as the black increases." 

Richmond Enquirer. 

It was stated by Col. Mercer, in the late 

Virginia Convention, that in 1817, the lands 

in that state were valued at $206,000,000 

In 1829, at 96,000,000 

That at the former period, the 

slaves averaged $300 

In 1829, 150 

In an address delivered by Mr. Key, be- 
fore the Colonization Society, some time 
since, he asserted that in one county in Ma- 



ryland having but few slaves, the Increase 
of population between 1810 and 1820, 
amounted to many thousands; while in an- 
other, having an equal number of slaves and 
whites, there was a decrease of almost a fifth 
of its entire population. "Lands of similar 
quality," he added, "bear very different prices 
in the two districts; for farmers will not 
migrate to a slave country — and there is the 
same difference in many other particulars." 
It is difficult to account satisfactorily, for 
the hostility displayed towards the Coloniza- 
tion Society, by so many of the coloured peo- 
ple, and by some of their influential friends 
among the whites. That the situation of the 
colonists in Liberia, is at least equal to that 
of the most fortunate and favoured of their 
class in this country, will not admit of a 
doubt, from the unimpeachable testimony ad- 
duced in Letter IX — and that it is incom- 
parably superior to that of the great mass of 
them hi our towns and cities, is equally indis- 
putable. Pew of these are engaged in trade 
or commerce, or have any hopes of elevating 
themselves to that situation. Nine-tenths of • 
them are in subordinate and menial situations, 
and likely thus to remain, at low wages. 
That they labour under the most oppressive 
disadvantages, which their freedom can by no 
means counterbalance, is too obvious to admit 
of doubt. I waive ail inquiry whether this 
be right or wrong. I speak of things as they 
are — not as they might or ought to be. They 
are cut off from the most remote chance of 
amalgamation with the white population, by 
feelings or prejudices, call them what you 
will, that are ineradicable. The situation of 
the majority of them, is more unfavourable 
than that of many of the slaves. " With all 
the burdens, cares, and responsibilities of free- 
dom, they have few or none of its substantial 
benefits. Their associations are, and must 
be, chiefly with slaves. Their right of suf- 
frage gives them little, if any, political influ- 
ence, and they are practically, if not theoreti- 
cally,excluded from representation and weight 
in our public councils." No merit, no services, 
no talents, can ever elevate the great mass of 
them to a level with the whites. Occasion- 
ally an exception may arise. A coloured in- 
dividual, of great talents, merits, and wealth, 
may emerge from the crowd. Cases of this 
kind, are to the last degree, rare. The co- 
loured people are subject to legal disabilities, 
more or less galling and severe, in almost 
eve r y state in the Union. Severe regula- 
tions have been recently passed in Louisiana, 
to prevent the introduction of free people of 
colour. Whenever they appear, they are to 
be banished in sixty days. The strong oppo- 
sition to the establishment of a negro college 
in New-H^ven, speaks in a language not to 
be mistaken, the jealousy with which they are 
regarded. And there is no reason to expect, 
that the lapse of centuries will make any 



28 



LETTERS ON THE 



change in this respect. They will always, 
unhappily, be regarded as an inferior race. 

They are, moreover, chased from state to 
state. The colony that was lately expelled 
from Ohio, was originally obliged to leave 
Virginia, by the rigour of its laws, on the sub- 
ject of free coloured people. They were but 
a few years in Ohio, when a law of that state, 
obliging thern, under a penalty, to give $500 
security for their good behaviour, and that 
they shall not become chargeable, was ordered 
to be put in force against them. With the 
provisions of this law, they couid not or would 
not comply. They accordingly removed to 
Canada, where, to judge from some of the 
papers of the province, they appear to be re- 
garded with jealousy. 

A corps of Philadelphia volunteers quite re- 
cently passed through Providence, on its way 
to Boston. It was accompanied by Johnson's 
coloured band, whose skill and talents are 
celebrated wherever they are known. But 
such was the jealousy of their colour, that 
they were not allowed to play in the city. 
.This is a small affair, but it shows the strength 
of feeling on tire subject. " Straws show 
which way the wind blows." 

A case has recently occurred in North 
Carolina, which speaks volumes on this sub- 
ject There is, it appears, a law in that 
state, which subjects any free coloured per- 
son who enters it, to a fine of $500, and, in 
the event of non-payment, to be sold as a 
slave. A person of this description lately en- 
tered the state — was prosecuted under the 
law — and, not being able to pay the fine, was 
actually sold. 

Of the cruelty and hardship of those pro- 
ceedings, no disinterested person can doubt. 
They are intended as security from danger. 
How far they are called for, or justified by 
that motive, or whether they do not increase, 
if not create the danger sought to be avoided, 
is not the present purpose to inquire. Our 
object is, to show by contrast, the strong in- 
ducements the free coloured people have, to 
emigrate. Under the excitement produced 
by the Southampton massacre, a police act 
of extreme rigour was passed by the legisla- 
ture of Virginia, at its last session : — 

" This act prohibits the slaves, free negroes, and 
mulatto preachers, whether ordained or licensed, 
from preaching or holding anv meeting for religious 
or other purposes, either by day or night, to be pun- 
ished with stripes, not exceeding thirty-nine Lashes 
for every offence ; any person being authorized to 
apprehend the offender without a warrant previ- 
ously obtained ; it also prohibits all negroes, &c. 
from attending any such preaching or meeting con- 
ducted by negro preachers, or even by white 
preachers in the night time, without a written per- 
mit from their owners, masters, or their agents, to 
be punished for every offence in like manner; anv 
person, however, is permitted to take his slave wiih 
iiim to hear religious instruction, conducted by 
a whito minister in the night ; slaves of any one 



owner not prevented from assembling at any fime, 
for religious devotion ; no free negro to be suffered 
to keep or carry any gun or military weapon, the 
arms and ammunition to be forfeited to the in- 
former, and the offender to be punished ^vith stripes 
as aforesaid; and it takes away from the county 
courts the power to grant permission to keep or 
carry such weapons, as heretofore; it declares it 
felony, punishable with death, for any slave, free 
negro, &c. to assault and beat, wilfully and mail 
ciously, any white person, with intent to kill; pun- 
ishes with stripes for the first offence, and with 
death the second, any slave, free negro, &c. who 
shall hereafter write, print, or cause to be written 
or printed, any book, pamphlet, or other writing, 
(or knowingly circulate the same,) advising persons 
of colour hi this state to make insurrection, or to re- 
bel ; and if the offender be a white person, imposes a 
fine of not less than one hundred, nor more than 
one thousand dollars; punishes with stripes freene 
groes, &c. guilty of riots, routs, unlawful assemblies, 
trespasses and seditious speei hesj 

"The act to be given in charge to the grand ju- 
ries ; and the attomies for the commonwealth re- 
quired to lodge an information of any violation of 
its provisions in their knowledge, or of which they 
have cause to suspect any person, before the pro- 
per court or jury. To take effect on the first of July 
next." 

A law lately passed in Georgia, subjects to a 
quarantine of forty days, all vessels having free co- 
loured persons on board. This law prohibits all in- 
tercourse with such vessels, by free coloured per- 
sons or slaves, and directs that the captains who 
bring them shall, under penalty, take them back. 
It renders a capital offence, the circulation of pam- 
phlets of evil tendency among the slaves or domes- 
tics of the state. It imposes a penalty for teaching 
free persons of colour to read or write. 

A law, lately passed in Maryland, directs the re- 
moval from the state, of all slaves manumitted after 
its date. 

" Here, the black man is degraded. You may 
call him free. You may protect his rights by legis- 
lation. You may invoke the spirit of humanity and 
of Christian benevolence to bless him ; but still, he 
is degraded. A thousand malignant influences 
around him, are conspiring to wither all that is 
manly and noble in his nature." 

Such being the situation of the free co- 
loured people in this country, with scarcely 
a hope of a speedy change, surely they ought 
to long as eagerly for a settlement in the land 
of their ancestors, as the captive tribes of Is- 
rael hungered for a return to the land of Ca- 
naan. 

What a contrast to their situation in Libe- 
ria ! There they will be lords of the soil, and 
have every inducement and every opportu- 
nity to cultivate their minds, They will not 
be borne down by that sense of inferiority, 
from whose goadings they cannot escape 
here, and which is enough to depress minds 
the most highly gifted. According to their 
respective merits they may aspire to any of 
the offices of honour, and profit, and influence, 
in the colony. The bar, and the bench, and 
the medical profession, will be open to them 
from which they are debarred hereby an im- 
passable barrier. 
May 1, 1832. 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



29 



LETTER XIII. 
Effects of the Colony of Liberia in restrain- 
ing the slave trade. — Utter inadequacy of 
the efforts of the British and other cruisers. 
— Slight sketch of the horrors of that ne- 
farious traffic. 

Allusion was made, in the preface, to 
three of the leading results of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, any one of which, ought to in- 
sure it universal patronage. One only, its 
effects to annihilate the slave trade in the 
neighbourhood of the colony, shall be touched 
on here. Such has been the consequence, 
also, of the colony at Sierra Leone. The ex- 
periment of years has proved, that the only 
effective mode of extirpating the slave trade, 
is by the establishment of colonies along the 
coast. 

The efforts of the national vessels stationed 
there, have proved wholly unavailing. The 
total number of slaves captured by British 
vessels, and emancipated, in nine years, from 
1819 to 1828, was, according to Walsh, 
" only 13,281, averaging about 1400 per an- 
num," although, "during that period, it is 
supposed there were annually transported as 
slaves, from different parts of the coast, 
100,000 humanbcingsr* 

To prove the immense importance of sup- 
pressing this traffic, which, except in one 
place, is annihilated for nearly two hundred 
miles, partly north of Sierra Leone, and partly 
south of Liberia, it may not be improper to 
give a sketch of it, in the words of an eye 
witness to some of its horrors ; for although 
this nefarious traffic has been long consigned 
to the general execration of mankind, yet not 
one person in five hundred, is probably aware 
of the hideous barbarity of the demons incar- 
nate by whom it is carried on, or of the in- 
tensity of the sufferings and agonies of the 
ill-fated victims. 

Mr. Walsh was on board the North Star-, 
Capt. Arabin, a British vessel of war, sta- 
tioned on the coast of Africa, to capture 
slavers, which, after a chase of 300 miles, cap- 
tured a Brazilian vessel, of which he gives 
the following account. 

"When, we mounted her decks, we found her 
full of slaves. She was commanded by Capt. Jose 
Barbosa, bound to Bahia. She was a very broad 
decked ship, with a mainmast, schooner ringed, and 
behind her foremast was a large formidable gun, 
which turned on a broad circle of iron on deck, and 
which enabled her to act as a pirate, if her having 
speculation had failed. She had taken in on the 
coast of Africa, 336 males, and 226 females, making 
in all 562, and had been out 17 days, during which 
she had thrown overboard 55 ! The slaves were all 
enclosed under grated hatchways, between decks. 
The space was so low that they sat between each 
other's legs, and stowed so close together, that there 
was no possibility of their lying down, or at all 
changing their position nishl or day. As they were 
shipped on account of different individuals, they 

* Notes of Brazil, Vol. II. p. 2G8. 
E 



were all branded like sheep, with the owners marks 
of different forms. ££» 



*&* 



" These were impressed under their breasts, or 
on their arms, and. as the mate informed me, with 
perfect indifference, " queimados peloferro quento— 
burnt with the red-hot iron!" Over the hatch- 
ways, stood a ferocious looking fellow, with a 
scourge of many twisted thongs in his hand, who 
was ihe slave-driver of the ship, and whenever he 
heard the slightest noise below, he shook it over 
them, and seemed eager to exercise it 

" The circumstance which struck us most forci- 
bly, was, how it was possible for such a number of 
human beings to exist, packed up and wedged together 
as tight as they could cram, in low cells, three feet 
high, the greater part of which, except that immedi- 
ately under the grated hatchways, was shut out from 
light or air, and this, when the thermometer, exposed 
to the open sky, was standing in the shade, on our 
deck at 89 deg. The space between decks, was di- 
vided into two compartments, 3 feet 3 inches high. 
The size of one was 16 feet by 18, and that of the 
other 40 by 21 ; into the first were crammed the wo- 
men and girls ; into the second the men and boys : 
226 fellow creatures were thus thrust into one sjwee, 
288 feet square ; and 336 into another space 800 feet 
square, giving to the whole, an average of 23 inches, 
and to each woman not more than 13 inches, though 
many of them were pregnant. 

" The heat of these horrid places was so great, and 
the odour so offensive, that it was quite impossible 
to enter them, even had there been room. 

" They were brought upon deck, and after en- 
joying for some time, the unusual luxury of air, 
some water was brought : it was then that the extent 
of their sufferings was exposed in a fearful manner. 
They all rushed like maniacs towards it. No en- 
treaties, or threats, or blows could restrain them: they 
shrieked, and struggled, and fought with one another, 
for a drop of this precious liquid, as if they were ra- 
bid at the sight of it. There is nothing which slaves 
in a mid-passage suffer from so much as want of 
water. 

" It is sometimes usual to take out casks filled 
with sea-water, as ballast, and when the slaves are 
received on board, to start the casks, and refill them 
with fresh. On one occasion, a ship from Bahia ne- 
glected to change the contents of the casks, and 
on the mid passage found, to their horror, that they 
were filled with nothing but salt water. All the 

SLAVES ON BOARD TERISHED !" pp. 262, 3, 4. 

To heighten the enormity of this "sin 
crying to heaven for vengeance," it is as- 
certained, that in cases of scarcity of provi- 
sion, the slaves are often remorselessly 
thrown overboard. On board a vessel some 
time since, thirty nine negroes became 
blind, and twelve had lost an eye. They 
were thrown into the fathomless ocean. A 
single vessel, the Protector, took on board 
at Mozambique 807 slaves, of whom 339 
died on the voyage. 

The Maria Primeira, a Portuguese ship, 
took on board upwards of 500 slaves. This 
number was reduced to 403 in consequence 
of extreme crowding, before she was cap- 
tured, and brought into Sierra Leone. 
Nearly 100 more died soon afterwards, from 
diseases contracted on board. — {Transac- 
tions of the London African Association.) 



30 



LETTERS ON TilE 



The following heart-rending picture of 
the slave trade has been drawn by Sir 
George Collier, who was employed on the 
coast of Africa, to suppress it. 

" Such is the merciless treattnent of the slaves, 
that no fancy can picture the horrors of the voyage. 
Crowded together so as not to have the power to 
move — linked one to the other by the leg — never 
unlettered while lite remains, or till the iron shall 
have fretted the flesh almost to the bone — forced 
under a deck, as I have seen them, not Marly inches 
in knight — breathing an atmosphere the most putrid 
and pestilential possible — with little food and less 
water — subject to the most severe punishment, at 
the caprice or fancy of the brute who may command 
the vessel — it is to me a matter of extreme wonder 
that any of these miserable wretches live the voy- 
age through. Many of them, indeed, perish on the 
passage, and those of them who remain to meet the 
shore, present a picture of wretchedness language 
cannot express." 

Whoever considers the preceding revolting 
facts, will acknowledge, that if the Coloniza- 
tion Society did no more than rescue one 
thousand human beings annually, from such 
a fate, (and the breaking up of the trade on 
the adjacent coast, must have rescued thou- 
sands,) since the regular organization of the 
colony in 1824,. it would have repaid all its 
receipts ten fold. Put the whole of the re- 
ceipts into one scale, and the rescue in the 
other, and the former will kick the beam. 

Philadelphia, May 6, 1832. 



LETTER XIV. 
Of Africa before the irruption of the Barba- 
rians. 
Those who argue, from the present 
state of the coloured population of this 
country, against the prospect of a high de- 
giee of civilization in Africa, reason from 
very imperfect data. Here the coloured 
people have laboured, and still labour, un- 
der almost every possible disadvantage. In 
most of the southern states, slaves are de- 
barred from the attainment of the rudiments 
of knowledge. And even in states free 
from slavery, the coloured people have lit- 
tle opportunity of cultivation. Condemned 
by poverty, almost universally, to the low- 
est occupations, they have neither time nor 
means to improve themselves. But they 
will not sutler much, on a fair comparison 
with whites of the same grade. The best 
criterion, however, by which to judge, is 
the progress they have made in Liberia, 
where they escape the degradation to which 
they are exposed here. Of their improve- 
ment in morals, and manners, and habits, 
the testimony of Capts. Sherman, Kennedy, 
Nicholson, and Abels, &c. from which I 
have made large quotations in the preced- 
ing pages, precludes all doubt. It may be 
confidently stated, that none of the American 
colonies made greater advances in the same 
space of time than they have done in the 
eight years that have elapsed since the es- 



tablishment of order and good government 
in 182-1. The contrast between the Colo- 
nists of Liberia and the people of the Uni- 
ted States, is not so great as between the 
inhabitants of Great Britain at present, and 
those in olden times, when the latter paint- 
ed their bodies, had no chimnies to their 
houses, lay upon straw on the ground, cov- 
ered themselves with skins fastened with 
skewers, and were tenants in common with 
the pigs which partook of the hospitality of 
their houses. 

Hannibal, Hanno, and Jugurtha, all great 
warriors — the first equal to any in the an- 
cient world, were Africans. Terence, the 
dramatist, was also an African. 

" By the same process, by which the colonization 
of the coast tends to the suppression of the slave trade, 
it promotes the civilization of the inferior of the conti- 
nent of Africa. This is a topic, which, as it seems 
to me, has not received its share of consideration. 
Of this mighty continent, lour times as large as Eu- 
rope, one third part at least, is within the direct reach 
of influences, from the west of Europe and America, 
— influences, which, for three hundred years, have 
been employed through the agency of the slave 
trade, to depress and barbarize it ; to chain it down 
to the lowest point of social degradation. I trust 
these influences are now to be employed in repair- 
ing the wrongs, in healing the wounds, in gradually 
improving the condition of Africa. I trust that a 
great reaction is at hand. Can it be believed that 
this mighty region, most of it overflowing with tro- 
pical abundance, was created and destined for eter- 
nal barbarity? Is it possible, in the present state 
of the public sentiment of the world, with the pre- 
sent rapid diffusion of knowledge, — with the pre- 
sent reduction of antiquated errors to the test of 
reason, that such a quarter of the world will be j>er- 
mitted to derive nothing 'but barbarianism, from in- 
tercourse with the countries which stand at the head 
of civilization? It is not possible. 

"I know it is said, that it is impossible to civilize 
Africa. Why ? Why is it impossible to civilize man 
in one part of the earth more than in another? Con- 
sult history. Was Italy — was Greece, the cradle of 
civilization ? JN'o. As far back as the lights of tra- 
dition reach, Africa was the cradle of science, while 
Syria, and Greece, and Italy, were yet covered with 
darkness. As far back as wc can trace the first ru- 
diments of improvement, they came from the very 
head waters oi the Nile, far in the interior of Africa; 
and there are yet to be found, in shapeless ruins, 
the monuments of this primeval civilization. To 
come down to a much later period, while the west 
and north of Europe were ytt barbarous, the Mediter- 
ranean coast of Africa was Jill' d with cities, acade- 
mies, museums, churches, and a highly cieilizi d popu- 
lation. What has raised the Gaul, the Belgium, the 
Germany, the Scandinavia, the Britain of ancient 
geography, to their present impro\ ed and improving 
conditions Africa is not now sunk lower, than most 
of these countries were eighteen centuries ago; and 
the engines of social influence are increased a thou- 
sand fold in numbers and efficacy. Jt is not eigh- 
teen hundred years, since Scotland, whose metro- 
)hi1is has been called the Alliens of modem Europe, 
the country of Hume, of Smilh, of Robertson, of 
Blair, of Stewart, of Brown, of Jeffrey - ! of Chalmers, 
of Scott, of Brougham, was a wilderness, infested 
by painted savages. It is not a thousand years, 
since the north of Germany, now filled with beauti- 
ful cities, learned universities, and the best educa- 
ted population in the world, was a dreary, pathless 
forest." — E. Everett. 

Christianity and civilization were early in 



AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



31 



troduccd into Africa. There were several 
provincial councils held there. At one of 
them, held in Cartnage, in 397, the canon of 
the Roman Catholic Bible was settled. Ano- 
ther was held hi the same place in 410 — 
and two others at Milevi. In the fifth cen- 
tury, the number of Catholic bishops in Africa, 
was four hundred. Origen, Tertullian, Cy- 
prian, and Augustine, among the great lights 



of Christianity in their day, were Africans. 
And it is not too much to expect that future 
Hannibals, and Terences, and Cyprians, and 
Augustines will arise, to defend and illumi- 
nate that now benighted country. Should 
such a result take place, the merit will, in a 
great degree belong to the illustrious founders 
of the Colonization Societv. 
Philadelphia, May 10, 1832. 



APPENDIX. 



Letter from the Hon. James Madison, to the Secre- 
tary of the Society, the Rev. R. R. Gvrley. 
"Moxttelieu, December 29, 1831. 

" Dear Sir — I received, in clue time, your letter 
of the 21st ult. and with due sensibility to the sub- 
ject of it. Such, however, has been the effect of a 
painful rheumatism on my general condition, as 
well as in disqualifying my fingers for the use of the 
pen, that I could not do justice " to the principles 
and measures of the Colonization Society, in all the 
great and various relations they sustain to cur own 
country and to Africa," if my views of them could 
have the value which your partiality supposes. I 
may observe, in brief, that the Society had always 
my good wishes, though with hopes of its success 
less sanguine than were entertained by others, 
found to have been the better judges; and, that I 
feel the greatest pleasure at the progress already 
made by the Society, and the encouragement to en- 
counter remaining difficulties, afforded by the ear- 
lier and greater ones already overcome. Many cir- 
cumstances, at the present moment, seem to concur 
in brightening the prospects of the Society, and 
cherishing the hope that the time will come, when 
the dreadful calamity, which has so long afflicted 
our country, and filled so many with despair, will 
be gradually removed, and by means consistent 
with justice, peace, and the genoral satisfaction: 
thus giving to our country the full enjoyment of the 
blessings of liberty, and to the world the full bene- 
fit of its great example. I never considered the 
main difficulty of the great work, as lying in- the de- 
ficiency of emancipations, but in an inadequacy of 
asylums for such a growing mass of population, and 
in the great expense of removing it to its new home. 
The spirit of private manumissions, as the laws may 
permit, and the exiles may consent, is increasing 
and will increase ; and there are sufficient indica- 
tions that the public authorities in slave-holding 
states, are looking forward to interpositions in dif- 
ferent forms that must have a powerful effect. 
With respect to the new abode for the emigrants, 
all agree, that the choice made by the Society, is 
rendered peculiarly appropriate by considerations 
which need not be repeated ; and if other situations 
should not be found eligible receptacles for a por- 
tion of them, the prospects in Africa seem to be ex- 
panding in a highly encouraging degree. 

"In contemplating the pecuniary resources needed 
for the removal of such a number to so great a dis- 
tance, my thoughts and hopes have been long turned 
to the rich fund presented in the western lands of 
the nation, which will soon entirely cease to be un- 
der a pledge for another object. The great one in 
question is trulyof a national character, and it is 
known that distinguished patriots, not dwelling in 
slave-holding states have viewed the object in that 
light, and would be willing to let the national do- 
main be a resource in effecting it. 

" Should it be remarked, that the states, though 
all may be interested in relieving our country from 
tho coloured population, are not all equally so ; it 



is but fair to recollect, that the sections most to be 
benefited, are those whose cessions created the 
fund to be disposed of. 

" I am aware of the constitutional obstacle which 
has presented itself; but if the general will be re- 
conciled to an application of the territorial fund to 
the removal of the coloured population, a grant to 
Congress of the necessary authority could be car- 
ried, with little delay, through the forms of the con- 
stitution. 

" Sincerely wishing an increasing success to the 
labours of the Society, I pray you to he assured of 
my esteem, and to accept my friendly salutation. 
JAMES MADISON." 



Extract of a letter from the Hon. John Marshall, 
Chief Justice of the United Slates, dated Rich- 
mond, December 14, 1831. 

" The great object of the Society, I presume, is to 
obtain pecuniary aids. Application will undoubt- 
edly be made, I hope successfully, to the several 
Stale Legislatures, by the societies formed within 
them respectively. It is extremely desirable that 
they should pass permanent laws on the subject: 
and the excitement produced by the late insurrec- 
tion, makes this a favourable moment for the friends 
of the Colony to press for such acts. It would be 
also desirable, if such a direction could be given to 
state legislation, as might have some tendency to 
incline the people of colour to migrate. This, how 
ever, is a subject of much delicacy. Whatever may 
be the success of our endeavours to obtain acts for 
permanent aids, I have no doubt that our applica- 
tions for immediate contributions, will receive at- 
tention. It is possible, though not probable, that 
more people of colour may be disposed to migrate 
than can be provided for, with the fund the Society 
may be enabled to command. Under this impres- 
sion 1 suggested, some years past, to one or two of 
the Board of Managers, to allow a small additional 
bounty in lands, to those who would pay their own 
passage in whole or in part. The suggestion, how- 
ever, was not approved. 

"It is undoubtedly of great importance to retain 
the countenance and protection of the general go- 
vernment. Some of our cruizers stationed on the 
coast of Africa would, ai the same lime, interrupt the 
slave trade — a horrid trnjfic, detested by all pood men, 
and would protect the vessels and commerce of the 
colony from pirates who infest those »*as. The 
power of the government to afford this aid, is nol, I 
believe, contested. 1 regret that its power to grant 
pecuniary aid, is not equally free from question. On 
this subject, I have always thought, and still think, 
that the proposition made by Mr. King, in the Se- 
nate, is the most unexceptionable, and the most ef- 
fective that can be devised. 

" The fund would probably operate as rapidly as 
would be desirable, when we take into view the 
other resources which might come in aid of it ; and 
its application would be, perhaps, less exposed to 



32 



LETTERS, &c. 



those constitutional objections which are made in 
the south, than the application of money drawn 
from the treasury and raised by taxes. The lands 
are the property of the United Slates, and have 
heretofore been disposed of by the government, un- 
der the idea of absolute ownership." 



THE AFRICAN CHIEF ENSLAVED. 

BY W. C. BRYANT. 

Chain'd to the market place he stood, 

A man of giant frame ; 
Amid the gathering multitude, 

That shrunk to hear his name. — 
All stern of look, and strong of limb, 

His dark eye on the ground ; 
And silently they gaz'd on him, 

As on a lion bound. 

Vainly, but well, that chief had fought, 

He was a captive now : 
Yet pride, that fortune humbles not 

Was written on his brow. 
The scars his dark broad bosom wore, 

Show'd warrior true and brave ; 
A prince among his tribe before, 

He could not be a slave. 

Then, to his conqueror he spake — 

" My brother is a king; 
" Undo this necklace from my neck, 

" And take this bracelet ring : 
"And send me where my brother reigns, 

" And I will fill thy hands 
" With stores of ivory from the plains, 

" And gold-dust from the sands." 

" Not for thy ivory, or thy gold 

" Will I unbind thy chain ; 
" That bloody hand shall never hold 

" The battle spear again ! 
" A price, thy nation never gave, 

" Shall yet be paid for thee ; 
" And thou shalt be the Christian's slave, 

" In lands beyond the sea." 

Then wept the warrior chief: and bade 

To shred his locks away ; 
And one by one, each heavy braid 

Before the warrior lay. 
Thick were the plaited locks, and long, 

And deftly hidden there, 
Shone many a wedge of gold, among 

The dark and crisped hair. 

" Look ! feast thy greedy eyes with gold, 

" Long kept for sorest need : 
Take it — thou askest sums untold, 

" And say that I am freed : 
■ Take it — my wife, the long, long day 

" Weeps by the cocoa tree, 
" And my young children leave their play, 

" And ask in vain for me." 

" I take thy gold — but 1 have made 

" Thy fetters fast and strong ; 
' And ween, that by the cocoa shade 

"Thy wife shall wait thee long." 
Strong was the agony that shook 

The captive's frame, to hear — 
And the proud meaning of his look, 

Was chang'd to mortal fear. 

His heart was broken — craz'd his brain, 

At once his eyes grew wild ; 
He struggled fiercely with his chain, 

Whimper'd, and wept, and smil'd ; 



Yet wore not long those fatal bands ; 

And once, at close of day, 
They drew him forth upon the sands, 

The foul hyena's prey. 

DEATH OF ASHMUN. 

BY MRS. SIGOURXEY. 

Whose is yon sable bier ? 

Why move the throng so slow? 
Why doth that lonely mother's tear, 

In sudden anguish (low .' 
Why is that sleeper laid 

To rest, in manhood's pride ? 
How gain'd his cheek such pallid shade 1- 

I spake — but none replied. 

The hoarse wave murmur'd low, 

The distant surges roar'd — 
And o'er the sea, in tones of woe, 

A deep response was pour'd 
I heard sad Afric mourn, 

Upon her billowy strand ; 
A shield was from her bosom torn, 

An anchor from her hand. 

Ah ! well I know thee now. 

Though foreign suns would trace 
Deep lines of death upon thy brow — 

Thou friend of misery's race ; 
Their leader, when the blast 

Of ruthless war swept by ; 
Their teacher, when the storm was post. 

Their guide to worlds on high. 

But o'er the lowly tomb, 

Where thy soul's idol lay, 
I saw thee rise above the gloom, 

And hold thy changeless way. 
Stern sickness woke a flame, 

That on thy vigour fed — 
But deathless courage nerv'd the frame, 

When health and strength had fled. 

Spirit of power — pass on ! 

Thy homeward wing is free ; 
Earth may not claim thee for her son — 

She hath no chain for thee : 
Toil might not bow thee down, 

Nor sorrow check thy race — 
Nor pleasure win thy birthright crown, — 

Go to thy honour'd place ! 



LIBERIA. — BY THE SAME. 

Winds! what have ye gather'd from Afric's strand. 
As ye swept the breadth of that fragrant land I 
The breath of the spice-bud — the rich perfume 
Of balm, and of gum. and of flow'ret's bloom? 
" We have gather'd nought but the heathen's pmy'r 
" And the hopeless sigh of the heart's despair." 

Waves! what have yc heard on that ancient coast, 
Where Egypt the might of her fame did boast? 
Where the statue of Mcmnon saluted the mora, 
And the pyramids tnw'r in their giant scorn ? 
" We have heard the curse of the slave-ship's crew, 
" And the shriek of the chain'd, as the shores with- 
drew." 

Stars! what have ye seen with the glancing eye, 

From vonr burning thrones in the sapphire sky? 

" We have mark'd a gem, as it brightly glow'il 

" On Afrie's breast, whence the blood-drop flow'd ; 

" Pure light it shed on the dreary sod, 

" Like the mystic stones of the priest of God ; 

" And we chaunted that hymn which we snag at 

first, 
" Wnen the sun from the midnight of chaos burst." 
Hartford, Con. 






" We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature, for the record of any human plan, for 
the melioration of the condition or advancement of the happiness of our race, which promised 
more unmixed good, or more comprehensive beneficence than that of African colonization, if car- 
ried into full execution. Its benevolent purpose is not limited by the confines of one continent, 
nor to the prosperity of a solitary race ; but embraces two of the largest quarters of the earth, and 
the peace and the happiness of both of the descriptions of their present inhabitants, with the 
countless millions of their posterity who are to succeed. It appeals for aid and support to the 
friends of liberty, here and elsewhere. The colonists, reared in the bosom of this republic, with 
a perfect knowledge of all the blessings which freedom imparts, although they have not always 
been able themselves to share them, will carry a recollection of it to Africa, plant it there, and 
spread it over her boundless territory. And may we not indulge the hope, that, in a period of 
time, not surpassing in duration that of our own colonial and national existence, we shall behold 
a confederation of republican states, on the western shores of Africa, like our own, with their con- 
gress and annual legislatures, thundering forth in behalf of the rights of man, and making tyrants 
tremble on their thrones V — Mr. Clay. 

" It will enable them to become a free, independent, civilized, and Christian nation in the land 
of their forefathers. Elevated in character, and in full enjoyment of the rights of man, they will 
not only assume a station in the great human family, which it is impossible for them to attain in 
this country; but their example and influence will gradually extend over those, numerous tribes, 
which, through all time, have remained in a state of barbarism and degradation, and cruelly sub- 
jected to slavery by surrounding and distant nations." — Dearborn. 

" They point to Africa, sitting beneath her own palm trees, ' clothed in sackcloth, and weep- 
ing for her children, and refusing to be comforted,' because they have been murdered on her de- 
solated shores, and buried beneath the billows of the ocean, and carried into hopeless and inter- 
minable slavery. Wretched Africa ! she has indeed fallen among thieves, who have robbed and 
wounded her, and she is now bleeding from a thousand wounds. Who will act to her the part 
of a good Samaritan ? Who will ' bind up her wounds, and pour into them wine and oil,' 
and protect her from her enemies, and chase away those human vultures, that are perpetually ho- 
vering on her coasts, and feeding on the flesh and blood of her children 1 Who will light for 
her the lamp of science, and publish the glad tidings of salvation to her sons and daughters ? 
and raise her from that state of moral degradation, into which she has sunk in the lapse of ages 1" 
—J\V Kinney. 

" There is not, we believe, another benevolent enterprise on earth, so well calculated to secure 
he favourable opinion, and enlist the hearty good will of all mes, as this, when its objects and 
bearings are fully understood. In relation to this society, it is eminently the fact, that opposition 
and indifference have their origin in prejudice or want of information. Ignorance may raise an 
objection which it requires knowledge to remove ; and to rest one's refusal to co-operate in what 
he is told is a good work, on his own ignorance, is both weak and wicked. Especially in relation 
to a benevolent enterprise of such magnitude as this, and which has been some ten or fifteei 
years before the public, the plea of ignorance is made with a very ill grace. 

" Is a nation like this, to be embarrassed by an annual appropriation of little more than a mil- 
lion of dollars to the cause of humanity T A nation, that can extinguish in a year, twelve mil- 
lions of national debt, and at the same time prosecute with vigour its majestic plans of defence 
and internal improvement 1 A nation, one of whose states can hazard six millions of dollars on 
the project of opening a canal 1 — a nation, whose canvass whitens every sea, and proudly en 
ters almost every harbour of the globe 1 — a nation, whose villages and cities are risfng, as by ma 
gic, over a fertile territory of two millions of square miles'? — a nation, destined, within the com- 
pass of the passing century, to embosom a white population of eighty millions 1 With the past 
smiles of Divine Providence, our national debt will be soon annihilated. And from that glad 
hour, let the government provide liberally for all its necessary operations — let it push forward in 
its splendid machinery of political improvement, and then give to our cause but the surplus of its 
revenue : and as regards the expense of transportation, it will [at no distant day] furnish the 
means of granting to every African exile among us, a happy home in the land of his fathers." 
— Rev. B. Dickinson. 

" Every emigrant to Africa is a missionary, carrying with him credentials in the holy cause of 
civilization, religion, and free institutions." — Clay. 

" We know of no cause in which the lovers of mankind, the patriot, and the Christian, can 
embark, with surer, and more brilliant prospects of success, than in the cause of the colonization 
of our free blacks on the coast of Africa. The philanthropist and the Christian may find in tha 
section of Africa, in which this infant colony is located, fifty millions of immortal beings, as wile 
as the forests they inhabit — where the Slave Trade sweeps annually into captivity its unnum- 
bered thousands — where all the horrors of savage warfare are perpetual. In this benighted land, 
a beacon fire is now blazing, which must eventually dispel the gloom of paganism, and make her 
deserts glad with the sentiments of a better nature." — Political Clarion. 

" To the lasting honour of the American Colonization Society, it has founded a new empire on 
that continent, of which the basis is Christianity, intelligence, and rational liberty ; has conducted 
it happily through the perilous stages of its inception and early growth ; — has seen its members 
in the full possession of the means of acquiring the comforts of life, and sustaining, against any 
anticipated opposition, the stand to which they are advanced- * * * The Society has demonstrated, 
experimentally, to the world, the soundness of the views with which they appeared before it in 

i-G-17, without funds, patronage, or a precedent in the annals of the human race." — Ashmun. 



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